Sound Bites -- Provocative excerpts from primary and secondary sources (some with audio commentary)

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333 Sound Bites. [show 10 per page]

1) The [gigantic] question which has thus suddenly arisen, is, what right had the first discoverers of America to land, and take possession of a country, without asking the consent of its inhabitants, or yielding them an adequate compensation for their territory? (Washington Irving, History of New York.  New York: 1809 [Book I, chap v]. )

2) I will give to thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven.  And whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth it shall be bound also in heaven. (Matthew 16:19 )

3) The absurdity of gaining possession of a continent by sailing along its coast line was so obvious that some writers facetiously suggested that Europe would have to be conceded to any Indian prince who happened to send a ship to discover it. (Wilcomb E. Washburn, "The Moral and Legal Justifications for Dispossessing the Indians."  Seventeenth-Century America: Essays in Colonial History.  Ed. James Morton Smith. New York: Norton, 1972: 17. )

4) In the unchangeable order of things, two such races can not exist together, each preserving its co-ordinate identity. Either this great continent, in the order of Providence, should have remained in the occupancy of half a million of savages, engaged in everlasting conflicts of their peculiar warfare with each other, or it must have become, as it has, the domain of civilized millions.  It is in vain to charge upon the latter race results, which grew out of the laws of nature, and the universal march of human events. (Timothy Flint, Indian Wars of the West. Cincinnati, 1833: 36-37. )

5) [The nation] is an imagined political community. (Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism.  London: Verso, 1983: 6. )

6) The scary truth about Sepúlveda's "Apology" lies in the manifestation of its rhetoric in the actual practice of Spanish conquest. Ironically enough, considering he had never been to the New World, Sepúlveda captures with brutal honesty the sense of entitlement that enabled one group to brutally subject another.  Sepúlveda's repeated references to the removal of obstacles to the propagation of the Christian faith take on ominous significance when one considers how often the obstacles removed were the individuals themselves. (Anne DeLong, Lehigh University )

7) With the narrative enclosed, I subjoin some observations with regard to the animals, vulgarly called Indians. . . . On what is their claim founded? -- Occupancy.  A wild Indian with his skin painted red, and a feather through his nose, has set foot on the broad continent of North and South America; a second wild Indian with his ears cut in ringlets, or his nose slit like a swine or a malefactor, also sets his foot on the same extensive tract of soil.  Let the first Indian make a talk to his brother, and bid him take his foot off the continent, for he being first upon it, had occupied the whole, to kill buffaloes, and tall elks with long horns.  This claim in the reasoning of some men would be just, and the second savage ought to depart in his canoe, and seek a continent where no prior occupant claimed the soil. (Hugh Henry Brackenridge, Indian Atrocities. Cincinnati, 1867: 62-72. )

8) Space . . . The Final Frontier.  These are the voyages of the Starship Enterprise whose five-year mission is to explore strange new worlds, to seek out new life and civilizations, to boldly go where no man has ever gone before. (Star Trek)

9) Columbus did not enter a silent world. (Andrew O. Wiget, Heath Anthology of American Literature, vol. 1. Boston: Heath, 1995: 33 )

10) Many studies tell us what the first explorers were trying to do.  Many others tell us why they were trying to do it.  But very few have attempted to describe the justice or injustice of the quest.  Yet significant moral and legal problems were brought to the fore by the expansion of Europe into the various parts of the world. (Wilcomb E. Washburn, "The Moral and Legal Justifications for Dispossessing the Indians.C28"  Seventeenth-Century America: Essays in Colonial History.  Ed. James Morton Smith.  New York: Norton, 1972: 15. )

11) To recognize the Indian ownership of the limitless praries and forests of this continent -- that is, to consider the dozen squalid savages who hunted at long intervals over a territory of a thousand square miles as owning it outright -- necessarily implies a similar recognition of the claims of every white hunter, squatter, horse-thief, or wandering cattle-man. (Theodore Roosevelt, Winning of the West. New York, 1889, vol 1: 331-35. )

12) A complete list of the events that occurred when the Requirement formalities ordered by King Ferdinand were carried out in America, more or less according to the law, might tax the reader's patience and credulity, for the Requirement was read to trees and empty huts when no Indians were to be found.  Captains muttered its theological phrases into their beard on the edge of sleeping Indian settlements, or even a league away before starting the formal attack, and at times some leather-lunged Spanish notary hurled its sonorous phrases after the Indians as they fled into the mountains.  Once it was read in camp before the soldiers to the beat of the drum.  Ship captains would sometimes have the document read from the deck as they approached an island, and at night would send out enslaving expeditions, whose leaders would shout the traditional Castilian war cry "Santiago!" rather than read the Requirement before they attacked the near-by villages.  Sometimes Indian messengers were sent to "require" other Indians. (Lewis Hanke, qtd. in Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 92. )

13) The universe is made up of stories, not atoms. (Leslie Marmon Silko, Ceremony. New York: Penguin, 1977. )

14) But as Homi Bhabha reminds us, a nation's existence is also dependent on "a strange forgetting of the history of the nation's past: the violence involved in establishing the nation's writ.  It is this forgetting -- a minus in the origin -- that constitutes the beginning of the nation's narrative." (Cecilia Elizabeth O' Leary, To Die For: The Paradox of American Patriotism.  Princeton: Princeton UP, 1999: 5. )

15) Most of the promotional literature aimed at selling the English on America can be traced to the most prolific compilers and earnest advocates of England's involvement in the New World during the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, the two Richard Hakluyts.  The cousins, the elder a lawyer and the younger a cleric, began actively promoting English colonial expansion in the first decade of the reign of Elizabeth I and would later become the major promoters of Raleigh's Roanoke venture. (Susan Schmidt Horning, "The Power of Image: Promotional Literature and Its Changing Role in the Settlement of Early Carolina."  North Carolina Historical Review 70.4 [1993]: 366. )

16) Meeting the European princes on equal terms, negotiating with them as an equal power, the popes themselves became princes.  This was perhaps the most conspicuous development of the later fifteenth century. (Geoffrey Barraclough, The Medieval Papacy.  London: Thames and Hudson, 1968: 189. )

17) Thus in a few days more men were converted by this method [conquest] to faith in Christ, and more safely, than were converted by preaching alone in 300 years.  (Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, Apology for the Book On the Just Causes of War.  Trans. and ed. Lewis D. Epstein.  Bowdoin College: 1973: 26. )

18) That the Caribs were cannibals justified, in Columbus's view, his selling them into slavery, and the human sacrifice practiced by the Aztec required, in the opinion of Sepúlveda and other Spaniards, the forced labor of all Indians.  In fact, the whole debate among the Spanish over the nature of the Indian can be viewed as a dispute among colonists, clergy, and crown officials about the proper method of exploiting the native, for the consequences of the arguments benefited some groups at the expense of others. (Robert F. Berkhofer, Jr., The White Man's Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present.  New York: Vintage Books, 1978: 119. )

19) You know, most clement son, that, although you take precedence over all mankind in dignity, nevertheless, you piously bow the neck to those who have charge of divine affairs and seek from them the means of your salvation. (Pope Gelasius I argues for the primacy of papal power in a letter to Emperor Anastasius I: Robert A.Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 16. )

20) The American frontier has been mythologized and romanticized – for this to happen, the Native Americans must be seen as props on the terrain, no different from the rocks or the trees which stand in the way of our dreams of independence and expansion.   However, should this be our only perception about the settlers of Jamestown?  No, because the formidable spirit the colonists displayed in the face of disease, starvation, and hardships is admirable, and their hopes to create a New Eden displays the potential of the imperialist endeavor. (Mehnaz Choudhury, Lehigh University )

21) I once spoke about Columbus to a workshop of school teachers and one of them suggested that school children were too young to hear of the horrors recounted by Las Casas and others.  Other teachers disagreed, said children's stories include plenty of violence, but the perpetrators are witches and monsters and "bad people," not national heroes who have holidays named after them. (Howard Zinn, On History.  New York: Seven Stories Press, 2001: 105. )

22) This seemingly inescapable desire for territorial expansion through conquest was also bound by a firm code of aristocratic values which had played a crucial role in the creation of all the earliest overseas empires.  For overseas expansion promised to those who engaged in it not only trade and, if they were lucky, precious metals, it also offered the promise of glory, and with glory a kind of social advancement which, before the mid-eighteenth century, could be acquired by almost no other means. (Anthony Pagden, Lords of All the World: Ideologies of Empire in Spain, Britain and France, c. 1500-1800.  New Haven: Yale UP, 1995: 63-64. )

23) VII. In order to reestablish peace on solid and durable foundations, and to remove for ever all subject of dispute with regard to the limits of the British and French territories on the continent of America; it is agreed, that, for the future, the confines between the dominions of his Britannick Majesty and those of his Most Christian Majesty, in that part of the world, shall be fixed irrevocably by a line drawn along the middle of the River Mississippi, from its source to the river Iberville, and from thence, by a line drawn along the middle of this river, and the lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the sea; and for this purpose, the Most Christian King cedes in full right, and guaranties to his Britannick Majesty the river and port of the Mobile, and every thing which he possesses, or ought to possess, on the left side of the river Mississippi, except the town of New Orleans and the island in which it is situated, which shall remain to France, provided that the navigation of the river Mississippi shall be equally free, as well to the subjects of Great Britain as to those of France. (Treaty of 1763 )

24) Although we do not mean to engage in the defence of those principles which Europeans have applied to Indian title, they may, we think, find some excuse, if not justification, in the character and habits of the people whose rights have been wrested from them. (John Marshall, Johnson v. M'Intosh, 1823 )

25) In respect to us they are a people poore, and for want of skill and judgement in the knowledge and use of our things, doe esteeme our trifles before things of greater value: Nothwithstanding, in their proper maner (considering the want of such meanes as we have), they seeme to be very ingenious.  For although they have no suche tooles, nor any such crafts, Sciences and Artes as wee, yet in those things they doe, they shew excellence of wit.  And by how much they upon due consideration shall finde our maner of knowledges and crafts to exceede theirs in perfection, and speede for doing or execution, by so much of the more is it probable that they should desire our friendship and love, and have the greater respect for pleasing and obeying us.  Whereby may bee hoped, if meanes of good government be used, that they may in short time bee brought to civilitie, and the imbracing of true Religion. (Thomas Hariot, "A Briefe and True Report of the Newfound Land of Virginia." New American World: A Documentary History of North America to 1612. Ed. David B. Quinn. Vol. 3.  New York: Hector Bye, 1979. )

26) Perhaps the commonest element in the promotional literature is the allure of economic plentitude. (Howard Mumford Jones,  "The Colonial Impulse: An Analysis of the 'Promotion' Literature of Colonization."  Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 90.2 [1946]: 153. )

27) The Lord will be our God, and delight to dwell among us as his own people, and will command a blessing upon us in all our ways, so that we shall see much more of his wisdom, power, goodness, and truth, than formerly we have been acquainted with.  We shall find that the God of Israel is among us, when ten of us shall be able to resist a thousand of our enemies; when he shall make us a praise and glory that men shall say of succeeding plantations, "the Lord make it like that of New England."  For we must consider that we shall be as a city upon a hill.  The eyes of all people are on us, so that if we shall deal falsely with our God in this work we have undertaken, and so cause him to withdraw his present help from us, we shall be made a story and a by-word through the world. (John Winthrop, "A Model of Christian Charity," 1630. )

28) There was little that was new in and of itself in Hakluyt's Discourse.  What was new about Hakluyt's memorandum, however, was the range of national problems which he proposed to solve by means of a brand of colonial adventure that presented itself as virtually risk-free, at least to the crown. (Thomas Scanlan, Colonial Writing and the New World: 1583 – 1671.  London, Cambridge UP, 1999: 31. )

29) The justifications which governments most frequently brought forward in the period of exploration and settlement -- papal or royal grant, discovery and possession -- reflect the fact that the principal ethicolegal concern in the period was about the claims of rival European powers, not about the rights of the American Indian. (Wilcomb E. Washburn, "The Moral and Legal Justifications for Dispossessing the Indians."  Seventeenth-Century America: Essays in Colonial History.  Ed. James Morton Smith. New York: Norton, 1972: 15. )

30) A second, related argument [by Green] was that Europeans, as Christians, had a duty to spread the word of the gospel and a right to engage in trade and to cultivate unoccupied land without interference.  Conversely, the peoples of the New World had an obligation to receive the ambassadors of the pope, the trade expeditions and the colonists, and any resistance or hostility to the European presence could be met with force of arms.   This right of self-defense authorized the establishment of fortifications and taking such pre-emptive military actions as were necessary to ensure the safety of the Europeans.  Alternatively, it was argued that the Christian rules of Europe had a moral and legal obligation to end the cannibalism and human sacrifice practiced by some tribes. (L.C. Green and Olive P. Dickason, The Law of Nations and the New World.  Alberta: U of Alberta P, 1989:  ix. )

31) Feed my sheep. (John 21:16-17 )

32) Now it is notorious, that the savages knew nothing of agriculture, when first discovered by the Europeans, but lived a most vagabond, disorderly, unrighteous life, -- rambling from place to place, and prodigally rioting upon the spontaneous luxuries of nature, without tasking her generosity to yield them any thing more; whereas it has been most unquestionably shewn, that heaven intended the earth should be ploughed and sown, and manured, and laid out into cities, and towns, and farms, and country seats, and pleasure grounds, and public gardens, all which the Indians knew nothing about -- therefore, they did not improve the talents providence had bestowed on them -- therefore they were careless stewards -- therefore they had no right to the soil -- therefore they deserved to be exterminated. (Washington Irving, History of New York.  New York: 1809 [Book I, chap v]. )

33) . . . the litigants' land claims did not overlap.  Hence, there was no real "case or controversy" and M'Intosh, like another leading Supreme Court land case, Fletcher v. Peck, appears to have been a sham. (Eric Kades, "The Dark Side of Efficiency: Johnson v. M'Intosh and the Expropriation of American Indian Lands."  U. of PA Law Review 148.1065 [April 2000]: 1065-1190.  Lexis-Nexis. 23 Sep. 03. )

34) Their [the Plymouth colonists] strong sense of being a "chosen people" is clearly manifest in recurrent references to a felicitous "divine providence." (Dwight B. Heath, ed., Mourt's Relation: A Journal of the Pilgrims at Plymouth.  Bedford: Applewood Books, 1963: x )

35) The real loser of the Valladolid debate on the justification of New World conquest was the Native American, forced to be identified as either a noble (submissive) savage or a fierce (resistant) barbarian, either a tabula rasa awaiting conversion or an obstacle to the propagation of the faith.  Either choice meant annihilation, the one of culture, the other of existence.  (Anne DeLong, Lehigh University )

36) The Roman pontiff, successor of the key-bearer of the heavenly kingdom and vicar of Jesus Christ, contemplating with a father's mind all the several climes of the world and the characteristics of all the nations dwelling in them and seeking and desiring the salvation of all, wholesomely ordains and disposes upon careful deliberation those things which he sees will be agreeable to the Divine Majesty and by which he may bring the sheep entrusted to him by God into the single divine fold, and may acquire for them the reward of eternal felicity, and obtain pardon for their souls. (Pope Eugenius, Romanus Pontifex, papal bull of 1453: http://www.nativeweb.org/pages/legal/indig-romanus-ponti fex.html )

37) All of them go around as naked as their mothers bore them; and the women also, although I did not see more than one quite young girl.  And all those that I saw were young people, for none did I see of more than 30 years of age.  They are very well formed, with handsome bodies and good faces.  Their hair [is] coarse—almost like the tail of a horse—and short.  [ . . . ]  They do not carry arms nor are they acquainted with them, because I showed them swords and they took them by the edge and through ignorance cut themselves.  [ . . . ]  They should be good and intelligent servants, for I see that they say very quickly everything that is said to them; and I believe that they would become Christians very easily, for it seemed to me that they had no religion. (Christopher Columbus, Thursday 11 October 1492, The Diario of Christopher Columbus's First Voyage to America 1492-1493.  Abs. Bartolomé de Las Casas.  Trans. Oliver Dunn and James E. Kelley, Jr.  Norman: U of Oklahoma P, 1989. )

38) First, when he casts out the enemies of a people before them by lawfull warre with the inhabitants, which God cals them not: as in Ps. 44.2. Thou didst drive out the heathen before them.  But this course of warring against others, & driving them out without provocation, depends upon speciall Commission from God, or else it is not imitable. (John Cotton, "God's Promise to his Plantations," 1630. )

39) The interest in the American Indian was especially intense because in America it was proposed to put down in the natives' midst substantial groups of Englishmen.  This raised the whole question of the right of displacement, a right which, considering the age, could be framed only in philosophic and religious terms, and specifically in this, the last age of the world before the Second Coming, in terms of native conversion. (Loren Pennington, "The Amerindian in English Promotional Literature."  The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic, and America 1480-1650.  Ed. K. R. Andrews, N. P. Canny, and P. E. H. Hair.  Liverpool: Liverpool UP, 1978: 177. )

40) Who are the people of God?  All People, civilized as well as uncivilized, even the most famous States, Cities, and the Kingdomes of the World: For all must come within that distinction. (Roger Williams, "Christenings Make Not Christians."  The Complete Writings of Roger Williams.  Vol. VII.  Ed. John Russell Bartlett.  New York: Russell & Russell, Inc., 1963: 32. )

41) [F]or knowledge is in some degree an increase of desires, and it is this superiority both in the number and magnitude of his desires, that distinguishes the man from the beast.  Therefore the Indians, in not having more wants, were very unreasonable animals; and it was but just that they should make way for the Europeans, who had a thousand wants to their one, and, therefore, would turn the earth to more account, and by cultivating it, more truly fulfill the will of Heaven. (Washington Irving, History of New York.  New York: 1809 [Book I, chap v]. )

42) Forasmuch as my Lord the King and Myself have ordered . . . that the Indians living on the island of Hispaniola be considered free and not subject to slavery . . . ; since I have now been informed that because of the excessive liberty allowed the said Indians, they run away from the Christians and withdraw from any intercourse and communication with them, . . . I order you, Our Governor, . . . to compel the Indians to have dealings with the Christian settlers on the said island, to work on their buildings, to mine and collect gold and other metals, and to work on their farms and crop fields; and you are to have each one paid for nine days' work the wages and rations you think he should have in accordance with the productivity of the land, the quality of the individual, and the nature of the job he does. (Queen Isabella's "Decree on Indian Labor," 1503.  New Iberian World: A Documentary History of the Discovery and Settlement of Latin America to the Early 17th Century.  Vol. II.  Eds. John H. Parry and Robert G. Keith.  New York: Times Books, 1984. )

43) But here I cannot but stay and make a pause, and stand half amazed at this poor people's present condition; and so I think will the reader too, when he well considers the same.  Being thus passed the vast ocean, and a sea of troubles before in their preparation (as may be remembered by that which went before), they had now no friends to welcome them, nor inns to entertain or refresh their weather-beaten bodies, no houses or much less towns to repair to, to seek for succor.  It is recorded in scripture as a mercy to the apostle and his shipwrecked company, that the barbarians showed no small kindness in refreshing them, but these savage barbarians, when they met with them (as after will appear) were readier to fill their sides full of arrows then otherwise.  And for the season it was winter, and they that know the winters of that country know them to be sharp and violent and subject to cruel and fierce storms, dangerous to travel to known places, much more to search an unknown coast.  Besides, what could they see but a hideous and desolate wilderness, full of wild beasts and wild men? and what multitudes there might be of them they knew not.  Neither could they, as it were, go up to the top of Pigsah, to view from this wilderness a more goodly country to feed their hopes; for which way soever they turned their eyes (save upward to the heavens) they could have little solace or content in respect of any outward objects.  For summer being done, all things stand upon them with a weather-beaten face; and the whole country, full of woods and thickets, represented a wild and savage hew.  If they looked behind them, there was the mighty ocean which they had passed, and was now as a main bar and gulf to separate them from all the civil parts of the world.  If it be said they had a ship to succor them, it is true; but what heard they daily from the master and company?  But that with speed they should look out a place with their shallop, where they would be at some near distance; for the season was such as he would not stir from thence till a safe harbor was discovered by them where they would be, and he might go without danger; and that victuals consumed apace, but he must and would keep sufficient for themselves and their return.  Yea, it was muttered by some, that if they got not a place in time, they would turn them and their goods ashore and leave them.  Let it also be considered what weak hopes of supply and succor they left behind them, that might bear up their minds in this sad condition and trials they were under; and they could not but be very small.  It is true, indeed, the affections and love of their brethren at Leyden was cordial and entire towards them, but they had little power to help them, or themselves; and how the case stood between them and the merchants at their coming away, hath already been declared. What could now sustain them but the spirit of God and his grace?  (William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, 1630 . )

44) Cut down to its "historical" skeleton, the Madoc story lacks this closure; it does not give a satisfactory explanation of the events, but simply terminates, as a medieval chronicle usually does.  In this form, it would be absolutely useless to support the story of national expansion to which Hakluyt's volumes are dedicated.  Only by filling the gaps in the historical record with editorial interpretations is the text endowed with the coherence and authority that qualify it as a founding text of British westward expansion. (Gesa Mackenthun, Metaphors of Dispossession: American Beginnings and the Translation of Empire, 1492-1637.  Norman: U of Oklahoma P, 1997: 27. )

45) The message [is] that you are all in mortal sin, that you live in it and will die in it, because of the cruelty and oppression with which you treat these innocent people.  Tell me, by what right do you hold these Indians in such cruel and horrible servitude?  By what authority did you make unprovoked war on these people, living in peace and quiet on their land, and with unheard-of savagery kill and consume so great a number of them?  Why do you keep them worn-out and down-trodden, without feeding them or tending their illnesses, so that they die—or rather you kill them—by reason of the heavy labor you lay upon them, to get gold every day?  What care do you take to have them taught to know their God and Maker, to be baptized, to hear Mass and keep their Sundays and their holy days? (As told by Bartolomé de Las Casas, Friar Antonio de Montesinos's sermon in Hispaniola, 1511.  New Iberian World: A Documentary History of the Discovery and Settlement of Latin America to the Early 17th Century.  Vol. II.  Eds. John H. Parry and Robert G. Keith.  New York: Times Books, 1984. )

46) The whole of this earth was given to man, and all descendants of Adam have a right to share it equally.  There is no right of primogeniture in the laws of nature and of nations. . . . that an agile, nimble runner, like an Indian called the Big Cat, at Fort Pitt, should have more than his neighbors, because he has traveled a great space, I can see no reason. (Hugh Henry Brackenridge, Indian Atrocities. Cincinnati, 1867: 62-72.)

47) At first sight, it is true, we may readily suppose that, since the affair is in the hands of men both learned and good, everything has been conducted with rectitude and justice.  But when we hear subsequently of bloody massacres and of innocent individuals pillaged of their possessions and dominions, there are grounds for doubting the justice of what has been done. (Francisco de Vitoria. [1539]  Political Writings.  Ed. Anthony Pagden and Jeremy Lawrance.  Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1991. )

48) [I]nto this sheepfold [the New World], into this land of meek outcasts there came some Spaniards who immediately behaved like ravening wild beasts, wolves, tigers, or lions that had been starved for many days.  And Spaniards have behaved in no other way during the past forty years, down to the present time, for they are still acting like ravening beasts, killing, terrorizing, afflicting, torturing, and destroying the native peoples, doing all this with the strangest and most varied new methods of cruelty, never seen or heard of before, and to such a degree that this Island of Hispaniola, once so populous (having a population that I estimated to be more than three millions), has now a population of barely two hundred persons. (Bartolome de Las Casas, Brevíssima Relación de la Destrucción de las Indias [A Brief Account of the Devastation of the Indies], 1552 )

49) It is to be assuredly hoped, that they [Native Americans] will daily by little and little forsake their barbarous and savage living, and grow to such order and civility with us [English settlers], as there may be well expected from thence no lesse quantity and diversity of merchandize than is now had out of Dutchland, Italy, France or Spain. (Christopher Carleill, A Brief and Summary Discourse upon the Intended Voyage to the Furthermost Parts of America, 1583: David B. Quinn, The Voyages and Colonising Enterprises of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Vol. 2.  London: Glasgow UP, 1940: 351. )

50) Savagism assumed meaning only in the sense that it inverted the civil condition.  [...] as an ignoble or noble savage, his mode of life was clearly demarcated from the civility that Europeans believed characterized their own manner of living.  Although the barrier between the civil and savage conditions seemed impenetrable, most commentators allowed for movement between the two.  In one mood Europeans sought a return to original innocence.  In another they were convinced that they had once been mired in savagism and had managed by dint of hard work and the blessings of Providence to reach the civil stage of life.  Ignoble savagism conveyed the impression of childishness and immaturity, of stunted growth; civility assured European society that it had achieved adulthood.  This assurance, however, did not obviate the possibility of a slide back into the savage state.  The ignoble savage always loomed as an external threat to Europeans and as an internal danger because he represented primal urges that, although subdued, remained part of the human condition.  In the eighteenth century this relationship between savagism and civility would be transformed into a formal theory of staged development.  In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, it served as a way of categorizing disparate cultures explaining to Europeans how their own world had come to be and why it was different from the world inhabited by American Indians. (Bernard W. Sheehan, Savagism and Civility: Indians and Englishmen in Colonial Virginia.  Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1980: 3. )

51) Whoever shall attempt to trace the claims of the European Nations to the Countrys in America from the principles of Justice, or reconcile the invasions made on the native Indians to the natural rights of mankind will find that he is pursueing a Chimera, which exists only in his own imagination, against the evidence of indisputable facts. ( (Thomas Jefferson, 1773-74, qtd. in Wilcomb E. Washburn, "The Moral and Legal Justifications for Dispossessing the Indians."  Seventeenth-Century America: Essays in Colonial History.  Ed. James Morton Smith. New York: Norton, 1972: 26.)

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52) Our hands which before were tied with gentlenesse and faire usage, are now set at liberty by the treacherous violence of the Sausages [Savages]. . . . So that we, who hitherto have had possession of no more ground then [sic] their waste, and our purchase at a valuable consideration to their owne contentment, gained; may now by right of Warre, and law of Nations, invade the Country, and destroy them who sought to destroy us. . . . Now their cleared grounds in all their villages (which are situate in the fruitfullest places of the land) shall be inhabited by us, whereas heretofore the grubbing of woods was the greatest labour. (Edward Waterhouse, 1622, qtd. in Wilcomb E. Washburn, "The Moral and Legal Justifications for Dispossessing the Indians."  Seventeenth-Century America: Essays in Colonial History.  Ed. James Morton Smith. New York: Norton, 1972: 21. )

53) [T]he settler and pioneer have at bottom had justice on their side; this great continent could not have been kept as nothing but a game preserve for squalid savages. (Theodore Roosevelt, 1896, qtd. in Wilcomb E. Washburn, "The Moral and Legal Justifications for Dispossessing the Indians."  Seventeenth-Century America: Essays in Colonial History.  Ed. James Morton Smith. New York: Norton, 1972: 23. )

54) Under the vision of the encomienda, coerced labor created the ideal conditions for Christianization and civilization of the Indian.  No longer were Christian princes required to suppress discussion of worldly profit when expressing concerns respecting the heavenly salvation of barbarous peoples.  The Indians' enslavement for the benefit of a worldly Christian kingdom complemented the goal of the Indian's attainment of a heavenly kingdom. The encomienda thus embodied the ironic thesis that in administering the pope's Petrine responsibility to save the Indians, the Spanish Crown had to enslave them. (Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 84. )

55) How can anyone say that these people [the Native Americans] are incapable, when they constructed such impressive buildings, made such subtle creations, were silversmiths, painters, merchants, able in presiding, in speaking, in the exercise of courtesy, in fiestas, marriages, solemn occasions, receptions of distinguished personages; able to express sorrow, and appreciation, when the occasion requires it and, finally, very ready to be educated in the ethical, political, and economic aspects of life?  What cannot we say concerning the people of this land?  They sing plainsong and contrapuntally to organ accompaniment, they compose music and teach others how to enjoy religious music, they preach to the people the sermons we teach them; they confess freely and earnestly in a pure and simple manner. (from a letter written by the Franciscan provincial Jacobo de Testera to Carlos V dated 6 May 1538, qtd. in Lewis Hanke, All Mankind is One: A Study of the Disputation Between Bartolomé de las Casas and Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda in 1550 on the Intellectual and Religious Capacity of the American Indians. DeKalb: Northern Illinois UP, 1974: 14.)

56) Both Richard Hakluyt, lawyer, and Richard Hakluyt, preacher, had written treatises, still unpublished in 1584, on the need to cooperate with the Indians for economic ends, but the younger Richard was concerned...that every effort be made to induce them to become good members of the Church of England.  To him and to many of the clergy (who thought about the matter at all), it was vitally important that the English church should not be at a disadvantage before the Roman church in engaging in missionary activity, as the Catholic propagandists had continually poked fun at them for their failure to carry their Protestantism outside of England. (David Beers Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies, 1584-1606.  Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1985: 211.)

57) Perhaps it is Roger Williams's persistence which separates him from other thinkers and leaders of seventeenth-century New England.  More noteworthy, though, is the way in which we can qualify him as unique compared to his contemporaries.  Not only does Williams participate in and contribute to the same issues in which other Puritans were engaged; but he pursues these widely accepted ideas and activities—i.e., conversion of the Indians, labeling them "heathens," confiscating their land without due compensation—with a diligent and realistic mindset.  In other words, not only did Williams think over such matters related to religion and politics, but he thought through the consequences of present-day actions, reaching conclusions which many of his contemporaries chose not to accept, namely natural conversion of the Indians in due time. (Kristina Fennelly, Lehigh University)

58) The Indians we speak of, and all other peoples who later come to the knowledge of Christians, outside the faith though they be, are not to be deprived of their liberty or the right to their property.  They are to have, to hold, to enjoy both liberty and dominion, freely, lawfully.  They must not be enslaved.  Should anything different be done, it is void, invalid, of no force, no worth.  And those Indians and other peoples are to be invited into the faith of Christ by the preaching of God's word and the example of a good life. (Pius III, from "Sublimus Deus," qtd. in Francis Patrick Sullivan, trans. & ed., Indian Freedom: The Cause of Bartolomé de las Casas (1484-1566): A Reader.  Kansas City: Sheed & Ward, 1995:  6.)

59) However extravagant the pretension of converting the discovery of an inhabited country into conquest may appear, if the principle has been asserted in the first instance, and afterwards sustained; if a country has been acquired and held under it; if the property of the great mass of the community originates in it, it becomes the law of the land and cannot be questioned. (John Marshall, 1823, qtd. in Wilcomb E. Washburn, "The Moral and Legal Justifications for Dispossessing the Indians." Seventeenth-Century America: Essays in Colonial History.  Ed. James Morton Smith. New York: Norton, 1972: 27. )

60) No prior consideration of Indian rights to their own territory is contained in the basic documents of the English colonizing project – either in the grants to Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Sir Walter Ralegh, or even in Ralegh's subgrant to the City of Ralegh [business] associates in 1587.  Englishmen were to be thrust into land that was assumed to be virtually empty and where there was plenty of room for them, without necessarily disturbing the inhabitants unduly, but with no recognition whatever given to their indigenous rights of occupation.  By implication, therefore, Peckham's view that, if English intrusion was resisted, the Indians must be forced to give way before the settlers was assumed to be the basic one. (David Beers Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies, 1584-1606.  Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1985: 211. )

61) It was difficult to inculcate habits of honesty and sobriety, stated Juan de Ampies, because when Spaniards beat them [Indians] or cut off their ears as punishment, the guilty ones were not held in less repute by their fellows. (Lewis Hanke, The First Social Experiments in America: A Study in the Development of Spanish Indian Policy in the Sixteenth Century.  Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1935: 30. )

62) For those are frankly called barbarians, as Thomas maintains, "who are lacking in rational power either on account of an environment from which dullness for the most part is found or due to some evil habit by which men become like brutes," and furthermore races of this sort by right of nature ought to obey those who are more civilized, prudent, and outstanding so that they may be governed by better customs and usages.  (Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, Apology for the Book On the Just Causes of War.  Trans. and ed. Lewis D. Epstein.  Bowdoin College: 1973: 9. )

63) This textual slippage [the vagueness of whether or not the land is inhabited in the Madoc story] thus occludes the larger story of the legal difficulties arising from the presences of an indigenous population in the land to be settled.  It signals the desire to suppress any reference to native inhabitants. (Gesa Mackenthun, Metaphors of Dispossession: American Beginnings and the Translation of Empire, 1492-1637.  Norman: U of Oklahoma P, 1997: 28-29. )

64) In entering upon a newly discovered, uncultivated country therefore, the new comers were but taking possession of what, according to the aforesaid doctrine, was their own property -- therefore, in opposing them, the savages were invading their just rights, infringing the immutable laws of nature and counteracting the will of heaven -- therefore, they were guilty of impiety, burglary and trespass on the case, -- therefore they were hardened offenders against God and man -- therefore they ought to be exterminated. (Washington Irving, History of New York.  New York: 1809 [Book I, chap v]. )

65) God created these simple people without evil and without guile. They are most obedient and faithful to their natural lords and to the Christians whom they serve. They are most submissive, patient, peaceful and virtuous. Nor are they quarrelsome, rancorous, querulous, or vengeful. Moreover they are more delicate than princes and die easily from work or illness. They neither possess nor desire to possess worldly wealth. Surely these people would be the most blessed in the world if only they worshipped the true God. (Bartolome de Las Casas, qtd. in Lewis Hanke, The First Social Experiments in America: A Study in the Development of Spanish Indian Policy in the Sixteenth Century. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1935: 20. )

66) Vitoria's influence was widespread; it swept the universities and even affected the councils.  It has been estimated that 5,000 students passed through his lecture-rooms; twenty-four of his pupils held chairs of arts or theology at Salamanca; in 1548 two also held the chairs of St. Thomas at Alcalá, which may help to explain the condemnation of Sepúlveda's book on the Indians. (Bernice Hamilton, Political Thought in Sixteenth-Century Spain: A Study of the Political Ideas of Vitoria, DeSoto, Suárez, and Molina. Oxford: Clarendon P, 1963: 175. )

67) Hanke's work defended the Spanish from many of the charges against them that stemmed from the "Black Legend," leading to the charge that he was in turn countering the Black Legend with a White Legend that provided too favorable an evaluation of the Spanish efforts to limit, if not to end, the exploitation of the indigenous peoples of the Americas. (James Muldoon, The Americas in the Spanish World Order: The Justification for Conquest in the Seventeenth Century.  Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1994: 5. )

68) The Jeffersonian state was not an empire; it was egalitarian, democratic, and ethnically exclusive. (Anthony F.C. Wallace, Jefferson and the Indians: The Tragic Fate of the First Americans. Belknap Press of the Harvard UP, 1999: 18.)

69) We are too effeminate in our longings, and too impatient of delaies.  Gods al-disposing prouidence; is not compellable by mans violence: Let any wisedome giue a solide reason, why his purpose should be changed, when those grounds which gaue life to his first purpose, are not changed.  It is but a golden slumber, that dreameth of any humane felicity, which is not sauced with some contingent miserie.  Dolor & voluptas, inuicem cedunt, Griefe and pleasure are the crosse sailes of the worlds euer-turning-windmill.  Let no man therefore be ouer wise, to cast beyond the moone and to multiplie needlesse doubts and questions.  Hannibal by too much wisedome, lost opportunity to haue sacked Rome.  Charles the eighth of Fraunce, by temporising, lost the Kingdome of Naples, and the gouernement of Florence: Henry the seuenth by too much ouer-warines, lost the riches of the golden Indies.  Occasion is pretious, but when it is occasion.  Some of our neighbours would ioine in the action, if they might be ioynt inheritors in the Plantation; which is an euident proofe, that Virginia shall no sooner be quitted by vs, then it will be reinhabited by them.  A dishonor of that nature, that will eternally blemish our Nation. (A True Declaration of the Estate in Virginia, 1610)

70) Certainly anyone who denies that the temporal sword is in the power of Peter has not paid heed to the words of the Lord. . . . Both then are in the power of the Church, the material sword and the spiritual.  But the one is exercised for the church, the other by the church, the one by the hand of the priest, the other by the hand of kings and soldiers, though at the will and sufferance of the priest.  One sword ought to be under the other and the temporal authority subject to the spiritual. (Pope Boniface VIII in Unam Sanctum: Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 29.)

71) But was it lawful to intrude upon the harmless savages?  To claim sovereignty over lands that conceivably belonged to the Emperor of China or at least the Emperor Powhatan?  Casuistical writers went presently to work, some in the field of ethics, some in the field of religion, to find moral sanctions for the making of plantations. (Howard Mumford Jones,  "The Colonial Impulse: An Analysis of the 'Promotion' Literature of Colonization." Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 90.2 [1946]: 156.)

72) It was central to Vitoria's whole project to refute the claim of these "modern heretics" that the authority of a prince depended not upon God's laws but upon God's grace, and the subsequent argument that if any prince fell from grace he might legitimately be deposed by his subjects or by another more godly ruler.  The Thomists' attack on the arguments that the crown's apologists had hitherto used to legitimate the occupation of America and those used, [. . .] , by such men as the most strident champion of Spanish imperialism, Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, and a number of canon lawyers, came ultimately back to this. (Anthony Pagden, Spanish Imperialism and the Political Imagination: Studies in European and Spanish-American Social and Political Theory 1513-1830.  New Haven: Yale UP, 1990: 18. )

73) The conclusion of all this is that the barbarians are not impeded from being true masters, publicly and privately, either by mortal sin in general or by the particular sin of unbelief.  Nor can Christians use either of these arguments to support their title to dispossess the barbarians of their goods and lands. (Francisco de Vitoria, Political Writings.  Ed. Anthony Pagden and Jeremy Lawrance.  Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1991: 246. )

74) In addition to his [Richard Hakluyt the Younger] formal studies, he made regular trips to the principal seaports of London and Bristol to collect notes and records from sailors, offering intelligent insights into their problems and gaining the confidence and respect of captains, merchants, and mariners alike.  Hakluyt thereby not only furthered his geographical knowledge but also gained practical understanding of the complexities of, and requirements for, outfitting successful voyages of discovery.  Moreover, he began to gather the kind of information that would figure prominently in his major publications promoting exploration and colonization. (Susan Schmidt Horning, "The Power of Image: Promotional Literature and Its Changing Role in the Settlement of Early Carolina."  North Carolina Historical Review 70.4 [1993]: 368. )

75) Many writers justified [. . .] the invasion and settlement of native lands as beneficial to the Indians as well as to the Whites, for the Indians received the blessings of Christianity and civilization in exchange for their labor and/or lands.  Sepúlveda, opponent of Las Casas in the great Spanish debate over the nature of the Indian, advanced such an argument that in effect idealized the activities of his countrymen in the New World.  He favored dividing the Indians "among honourable, just and prudent Spaniards, especially among those who helped to bring the Indians under Spanish rule, so that these may train their Indians in virtuous and humane customs, and teach them the Christian religion; which may not be preached by force of arms but by precept and example.  In return for this, the Spaniards may employ the labour of the Indians in performing those tasks necessary for civilized life."  The Virginia Company in 1610 issued a statement equally blunt in terms of the quid pro quo offered the Indians by the English, for the latter "by way of merchandizing and trade, doe buy of them the pearles of the earth, and sell to them the pearles of heaven."  (Robert F. Berkhofer, Jr., The White Man's Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present.  New York: Vintage Books, 1978:118. )

76) 8. If our nation does not make any conquest there, but only use trafficke and change of commodities, yet by meane the countrey is not very mightie, but divided into pety kingdoms, they shall not dare to offer us any great annoy, but such as we may easily revenge with sufficient chastisement to the unarmed people there. (Richard Hakluyt the Elder, "Inducements to the lykinge of the voyadge." New American World: A Documentary History of North America to 1612. Ed. David B. Quinn. Vol. 3.  New York: Hector Bye, 1979. )

77) Robert A. Williams, Jr., writes that the Catholic Church was responsible for the discourses of imperialism through several centuries, so one could assert that men with their own interests used the church as a mask for their ambition.  Perhaps in our time imperialist power has shifted from the church to democratic governments. (Mehnaz Choudhury, Lehigh University )

78) [The Europeans] attempted to instill in the native mind the image of a vastly competent and overwhelmingly powerful European colonist whose knowledge of the universe and efficiency in the making of war guaranteed his triumph in the New World. (Bernard W. Sheehan, Savagism and Civility: Indians and Englishmen in Colonial Virginia.  Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1980: 161. )

79) Compel them to come in. (Luke 14:23 )

80) This is therefore the reason in the parable from the Gospels for compelling the pagans to enter at the banquets of Christ: first to subject them to the government of Christians if it can be done without great disadvantage, and secondly to suitably prohibit them by the law of Constantine from the worship of idols and all heathen rites, and remove all obstacles that could impede the preaching of the Gospel. (Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, Apology for the Book On the Just Causes of War.  Trans. and ed. Lewis D. Epstein.  Bowdoin College: 1973: 22. )

81) For who doubteth but that it is lawfull for Christians to use trade and traffic with Infidels or Savages, carrying thither such commodities as they want, and bringing from thence some part of their plenty?  A thing so commonly and generally practised, both in these our days, and in times past beyond the memory of man, both by Christians and Infidels, that it needeth no further proof. (Sir George Peckham, A True Reporte of the Late Discoveries, 1583, reprinted in David B. Quinn, The Voyages and Colonising Enterprises of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. Vol. 2.  London: Glasgow UP, 1940: 450.)

82) In applying [the] Thomistic idea of a natural-law connection between states to Spain's conquests in the Americas, Victoria developed three fundamental arguments that later Humanist and Enlightenment theorists on international law adopted essentially intact as the accepted European Law of Nations on American Indian rights and status: 1. The inhabitants of the Americas possessed natural legal rights as free and rational people.   2. The pope's grant to Spain of title to the Americas was "baseless" and could not affect the  inherent rights of the Indian inhabitants.  3. Transgressions of the universally binding norms of the Law of Nations by the Indians might serve to justify a Christian nation's conquest and colonial empire in the Americas. (on the Law of Nations in theory: Robert A. Williams, Jr.,  The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 97. )

83) Whereas, it has become evident through long experience that nothing has sufficed to bring the said chiefs and Indians to a knowledge of our Faith (necessary for their salvation), since by nature they are inclined to idleness and vice, and have no manner of virtue or doctrine . . . the most beneficial thing that could be done at present would be to remove the said chiefs and Indians to the vicinity of the villages and communities of the Spaniards . . . .  I command you . . . to have the lodges of the said villages burned, since the Indians will have no further use for them: this is so that they will have no reason to return whence they have been brought. (from the Laws of Burgos, 1513.  New Iberian World: A Documentary History of the Discovery and Settlement of Latin America to the Early 17th Century.  Vol. I.  Eds. John H. Parry and Robert G. Keith.  New York: Times Books, 1984. )

84) We will not enter into the controversy, whether agriculturists, merchants, and manufacturers, have a right, on abstract principles, to expel hunters from the territory they possess, or to contract their limits.  Conquest gives a title which the Courts of the conqueror cannot deny.  (John Marshall, Johnson v. M'Intosh, 1823 )

85) Today we visualize English invasion of the North American continent as the establishment of a military beachhead.  The assumption is general that the Indian was a hostile occupant of the territory which the English proposed to settle. . . . Although this was true as soon as English intentions to conquer as well as to settle became evident, it is not an accurate description of the initial Indian attitude.  Nothing is so frequently recorded in the earliest chronicles as the warmth of the reception accorded the first colonists. (Wilcomb E. Washburn, "The Moral and Legal Justifications for Dispossessing the Indians."  Seventeenth-Century America: Essays in Colonial History.  Ed. James Morton Smith. New York: Norton, 1972: 19. )

86) They have nothing, says Lullus, "of the reasonable animal, except the mask." -- And even that mask was allowed to avail them but little, for it was soon found that they were of a hideous copper complexion, -- and being of a copper complexion, it was all the same as if they were negroes -- and negroes are black, and "black," said the pious fathers, devoutly crossing themselves, "is the colour of the Devil!"  Therefore so far from being able to own property, they had no right even to personal freedom, for liberty is too radiant a deity, to inhabit such gloomy temples.  All which circumstances plainly convinced the righteous followers of Cortes and Pizarro, that these miscreants had no title to the soil that they infested -- that they were a perverse, illiterate, dumb, beardless, bare bottomed black seed -- mere wild beasts of the forests, and like them should either be subdued or exterminated. (Washington Irving, History of New York.  New York: 1809 [Book I, chap v]. )

87) Why have I not brought them to such a conversion as I speake of?  I answer, woe be to me, if I call light darknesse, or darknesse light; sweet bitter, or bitter sweet; woe be to me if I call that conversion unto God, which is indeed subversion of the soules of Millions in Christendome, from one false worship to another, and the prophanation of the holy name of God, his holy Son and blessed Ordinances. (Roger Williams, "Christenings Make Not Christians."  The Complete Writings of Roger Williams.  Vol. VII.  Ed. John Russell Bartlett.  New York: Russell & Russell, Inc., 1963: 37. )

88) According to Richard Hakluyt, the greatest of the early English colonial editors, for all the Amerindians' "faire and cunning speeches," they were not to be trusted.  They were the greatest liars and dissemblers in the world, "for which they often had their deserved paiments" from the Spaniards.  To handle them gently would be the best policy, but if gentle policy would not serve, "then we shall not want hammorous and rough masons enow, I mean our old soldiers trained up in the Netherlands, to square and prepare them for our Preachers hands."  Hakluyt wrote this passage in 1609 after other English propagandists had shifted their ground, but he spoke as the representative of an earlier day and an earlier policy.  Though a clergyman and a strong believer in Amerindian conversion, Hakluyt never favored a soft or sympathetic attitude towards the native. (Loren Pennington, "The Amerindian in English Promotional Literature." The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic, and America 1480-1650.  Ed. K. R. Andrews, N. P. Canny, and P. E. H. Hair.  Liverpool: Liverpool UP, 1978: 181. )

89) Today there is no jurisdiction nor any other power or dominion among infidels, since, as his [Christ's] opinion states, they are fundamentally incapable of possessing them. (Paulus Vladimir in Opinio Hostiensis, 1414: James Muldoon, ed.  The Expansion of Europe: The First Phase.  Philadelphia: U of  Pennsylvania P, 1977:  203. )

90) God wills it!  God wills it! (Urban II's speech at Clermont inaugurating the First Crusade: James Brundage,  Crusades: A Document Survey.  Milwaukee: Marquette UP,1962: 17. )

91) It is important to consider and weigh the amount of influence the Roman Catholic Church levied throughout the colonization of foreign lands.  Taking note of how powerful and influential a group, of any type or denomination, reminds us of how easily, quickly, and unknowingly we can be motivated or manipulated by governing forces.  It is necessary to question and weigh the motivations, good and bad, of our leaders to ensure that their powers do not go unchecked and remain for the good of all.  This term good has been manipulated into violent conversion tactics, and we must learn from the past to ensure that such means do not constitute a future barbaric end. (Melissa Morris, Lehigh University )

92) The truth claims of a historical narrative thus depend on the rhetorical power of narrative to adjust past events retrospectively to the ideological requirements of the present. (Gesa Mackenthun, Metaphors of Dispossession: American Beginnings and the Translation of Empire, 1492-1637.  Norman: U of Oklahoma P, 1997: 27. )

93) Alexander's bulls resolved both legal problems raised by Columbus's voyage—the rights of Spain in relation to the barbarous peoples of the islands discovered and the rights of Spain in relation to Portugal—firmly in favor of the Spanish Crown. (Robert A. Williams, Jr.,  The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 79. )

94) Innocent I (401–417) maintained that all "greater causes" (causae maiores) – a vague and almost infinitely expansible expression – should be reserved to the apostolic see.  "Whatever is done in the provinces," he laid down, "should not be taken as concluded until it has come to the knowledge of this see," adding that the pope's decisions affected "all churches of the world." (Geoffrey Barraclough, The Medieval Papacy.  London: Thames and Hudson, 1968:  24. )

95) Heer [Virginia] nature and liberty afford vs that freely which in England we want, or it costeth vs daily. (John Smith, qtd. in Bernard W. Sheehan, Savagism and Civility: Indians and Englishmen in Colonial Virginia.  Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1980: 33. )

96) It might even be permissible to make alliances with the infidels in order to correct by pressure from without those unruly Christians who disturbed the right order in Europe. . . . Colonies are useful and possess nominal membership. (Michael Wilks, The Problem of Sovereignty in the Later Middle Ages.  Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1963: 420. )

97) Could the Indians learn to live like Spaniards?  Was it possible to colonize the new lands peacefully with Spanish farmers?  Could the Indians be won over to Christianity by peaceful means alone?  Could the encomienda system, by which some Spaniards were supported by Indians, be abolished?  Some influential Spaniards believed strongly that the answers would all be "yes," but the experiments or quasi experiments failed to convince the crown and resulted in no fundamental change in royal policy.  Hotly debated at the time, they never really had a chance to succeed in the hostile environment of the New World.  The experiments [reducciones:  experiments in Indian freedom] appear to us today, from the vantage point of four hundred years, as tragic comedies enacted on doomed little islands around which the ocean of the conquest boiled and thundered until it overwhelmed them.  But it is an important fact that the experiments were conducted at all. (Lewis Hanke, The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America.  Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1949: 2. )

98) [Green's argument begins with the] fundamental assumption that the lawfulness of an action must be determined according to the law in force at the time of the act, as opposed to the law in force when a subsequent dispute arises. (L.C. Green and Olive P. Dickason,  The Law of Nations and the New World.  Alberta: U of Alberta P, 1989:  viii. )

99) What is thought to have brought about a major rift is corn supply.  [...] Requests actually turned into demands the Indians could not meet unless they surrendered some of their precious seed corn or themselves went short. (David Beers Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies, 1584-1606.  Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1985: 214.)

100) The "Discourse" [Richard Hakluyt's]  was a tour de force of colonial promotion. (Susan Schmidt Horning, "The Power of Image: Promotional Literature and Its Changing Role in the Settlement of Early Carolina." North Carolina Historical Review 70.4 [1993]: 372.)

101) Our fathers had plenty of deer and skins, our plains were full of deer, as also our woods, and of turkies, and our coves full of fish and fowl.  But these English have gotten our land, they with scythes cut down the grass, and with axes fell the trees; their cows and horses eat the grass, and their hogs spoil our clam banks, and we shall be starved. (from speech made by Miantonomi, Chief of the Narragansetts, made in 1642 at Montauk, qtd. from Ian K. Steele, Warpaths: Invasions of North America by Eric Kades, "The Dark Side of Efficiency: Johnson v. M'Intosh and the Expropriation of American Indian Lands."  U. of PA Law Review 148.1065 [April 2000]: 1065-1190.  Lexis-Nexis. 23 Sep. 03.)

102) While they [American Indians] are learning to do better on less land, our increasing numbers will be calling for more land, and thus a coincidence of interests will be produced between those who have land to spare, and want other necessities, and those who have such necessities to spare, and want land.  The commerce, then, will be good for both, and those who are friends to both ought to encourage it . . . . In truth, the ultimate point of rest and happiness for them is to let our settlements and theirs meet and blend together, to intermix, and become one people. (Thomas Jefferson, qtd. in Anthony F.C. Wallace, Jefferson and the Indians: The Tragic Fate of the First Americans. Belknap Press of the Harvard UP, 1999: 223.)

103) Religious motivation had never been the sole hallmark of medieval expansion.  From the first, economic and social motives were inextricably associated in a religious culture.  For example, Urban II saw in the crusades not only an opportunity to halt Moslem expansion, he also saw in them a means of giving employment to the restless younger sons of the European nobility who were engaging the fratricidal strife within Europe.  The crusades, like the American frontier in the nineteenth century, were to be a safety valve, drawing off those who were too aggressive for peaceful life at home.  Columbus may also have seen overseas expansion in the same terms. (James Muldoon, ed.,  The Expansion of Europe: The First Phase.  Philadelphia:  U of Pennsylvania P, 1977:  5. )

104) The place they had thoughts on was some of those vast and unpeopled countries of America, which are fruitful and fit for habitation, being devoid of all civil inhabitants, where there are only savages and brutish men, which range up and down, little otherwise then the wild beasts of the same.  This proposition being made public and coming to the scanning of all, it raised many variable opinions amongst men, and caused many fears and doubts amongst themselves. . . . It was answered, that all great and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both enterprised and overcome with answerable courage.  It was granted the dangers were great, but not desperate; the difficulties were many, but not invincible.  For though there were many of them likely, yet they were not certain; it might be sundry of the things feared might never befall; others by provident care and the use of good means, might in a great measure be prevented; and all of them, through the help of God, by fortitude and patience, might either be born, or overcome.  True it was, that such attempts were not to be made and undertaken without good ground and reason; not rashly or lightly as many have done for curiosity or hope of gain, etc.  But their condition was not ordinary; their ends were good and honorable; their calling lawful, and urgent; and therefore they might expect the blessing of God in their proceeding. (William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation. )

105) But the ethical sanction laid on the English was not merely the Old Testament command to increase and multiply; it was also the New Testament command to preach the gospel to all peoples – a theme which appears in travel literature from the beginning and which, because it accompanies, or is accompanied by, the profit motive, illustrates the complexity of the Tudor mind. (Howard Mumford Jones,  "The Colonial Impulse: An Analysis of the 'Promotion' Literature of Colonization."  Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 90.2 [1946]: 157. )

106) The settler makes history and is conscious of making it.  And because he constantly refers to the history of his mother country, he clearly indicates that he himself is the extension of that mother country.  Thus the history which he writes is not the history of the country which he plunders but the history of his own nation in regard to all that she skims off, all that she violates and starves.  The immobility to which the native is condemned can only be called in question if the native decides to put an end to the history of colonization—the history of pillage—the history of decolonization. (Frantz Fanon, qtd. in Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest. New York: Oxford UP, 1990: i. )

107) [Gregory VII's] universalizing, hierarchical ordering logic easily absorbed opposing discourses and, depending on the political skills of the papal officeholder and on the combination of fortuitous circumstances, had proved itself capable of destabilizing any opposing secular political or legal structures. (Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 24. )

108) [D]ominium could only exist if it were exercised. [ . . .]  Any people who failed to fulfill that obligation could have no claim against other more industrious nations who occupied and cultivated its lands. (Anthony Pagden, Spanish Imperialism and the Political Imagination: Studies in European and Spanish-American Social and Political Theory 1513-1830.  New Haven: Yale UP, 1990: 29. )

109) If the Indians did not consent and permit the missionary fathers accompanying the conquistadors to preach to them, or if they "maliciously" delayed in doing so, the Spaniards, "with the help of God" would invade their country and make war against them. (Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest. New York: Oxford UP, 1990:  92. )

110) [The Indians are] naturally lazy and vicious, melancholic, cowardly, and in general a lying, shiftless people.  Their marriages are not a sacrament but a sacrilege.  They are idolatrous, libidinous and commit sodomy.  Their chief desire is to eat, drink, worship heathen idols, and commit bestial obscenities.  What could one expect from a people whose skulls are so thick and hard that the Spaniards had to take care in fighting not to strike on the head lest their swords be blunted? (Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, qtd. in Lewis Hanke, The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America.  Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1949: 11. )

111) A holy war, in the broadest sense of the term, is any war that is regarded as a religious act or is in some way set in a direct relation to religion. (Carl Erdman, The Origin of the Idea of Crusade.  Princeton: Princeton UP, 1977.  3.  Translated from Die Entstehung des Kreuzzegsgedankens by W. Kohlhammer.  Verlag: Stuttgart, 1935. )

112) Only Christian Europeans could offer the Indians a rationalized existence, which the Indians by the Law of Nations were obliged to accept.  European domination benefited the Indians by providing them with the civilizing doctrines of Christianity.  In the bargain, the Indians gained freedom to travel (until they were forced onto reservations), to engage in commerce (until they were dispossessed of everything worth selling), and to go peacefully about their other "civil pursuits" (until they were killed or imprisoned for resisting violations of their human rights). (on the Law of Nations in practice: Robert A. Williams, Jr.,  The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest. New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 106. )

113) Another common charge against the Indians, which became the basis of the most popular eighteenth- and nineteenth-century justification for dispossessing them, was that they were wandering hunters with no settled habitations. . . . But agriculture was also a conspicuously essential part of Indian subsistence; and we may regard with suspicion much of the literature of justification which overlooks this aspect of native life. . . . It was the Indians who taught the settlers techniques of agriculture. . . .  The literature of justification similarly tends to overlook the fact that the Indians were, for the most part, town dwellers. (Wilcomb E. Washburn, "The Moral and Legal Justifications for Dispossessing the Indians." Seventeenth-Century America: Essays in Colonial History.  Ed. James Morton Smith. New York: Norton, 1972: 22-23. )

114) Go ye therefore, and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. (Matthew 28:19 )

115) Thus were the European worthies who first discovered America, clearly entitled to the soil; and not only entitled to the soil, but likewise to the eternal thanks of these infidel savages, for having come so far, endured so many perils by sea and land, and taken such unwearied pains, for no other purpose under heaven but to improve their forlorn, uncivilized and heathenish condition -- for having made them acquainted with the comforts of life, such as gin, rum, brandy, and the small-pox; for having introduced among them the light of religion, and finally -- for having hurried them out of the world, to enjoy its reward! (Washington Irving, History of New York.  New York: 1809 [Book I, chap v]. )

116) Can history be understood in moral terms?  Of course it can, but should it be understood in moral terms?  For those who are in positions of power, the myth of an objective history allows the silencing of the voices of those we consider lesser than us.  A moral history is a complex history, and writing a moral history is a harder job than writing one that doesn't account for the injustices committed during times of strife and war.  I've often heard people use the saying that "the past is another country," and I now understand those words.  We are alienated from a past we have romanticized, but we feel just as alienated from a past which tells us that we all have blood on our hands.  A moral history is responsible for carrying the many voices in the historical record, which allows us not to destroy our American mythologies but create and add new ones. (Mehnaz Choudhury, Lehigh University )

117) A fondness for power is implanted, in most men, and it is natural to abuse it, when acquired. (Alexander Hamilton, The Farmer Refuted, 1775 )

118)

[...] Laura asked, "Where did the voice of Alfarata go, Ma?"

"Goodness!" Ma said.  "Aren't you asleep yet?"

"I'm going to sleep," Laura said.  "But please tell me where the voice of Alfarata went?"

"Oh, I suppose she went west," Ma answered.  "That's what the Indians do."
[...]
"Why do they go west?"

"They have to," Ma said.

"Why do they have to?"

"The government makes them, Laura," said Pa.  "Now go to sleep."

He played the fiddle softly for a while.  Then Laura asked, "Please, Pa, can I ask just one more question?"
[...]
"Will the government make these Indians go west?"

"Yes," Pa said.  "When white settlers come into a country, the Indians have to move on.  The government is going to move these Indians farther west, any time now. That's why we're here, Laura.  White people are going to settle all this country, and we get the best land because we get here first and take our pick.  Now do you understand?"

"Yes, Pa,"   Laura said.  "But, Pa, I thought this was Indian Territory.  Won't it make the Indians mad to have to---"

"No more questions, Laura," Pa said, firmly.  "Go to sleep."

(Laura talks to her parents after Ma sings her a song titled the "Voice of Alfarata," a song about a Native American maid, in Laura Ingalls Wilder's Little House on the Prairie )

119) The nationalist not only does not disapprove of atrocities committed by his own side, but he has a remarkable capacity for not even hearing about them. (George Orwell, qtd. in Edward W. Said, Culture and Imperialism.  New York: Vintage Books, 1993: viii. )

120) On the Friday next after the feast of the Assumption of Blessed Mary, he [King Richard] ordered that two thousand seven hundred of the vanquished Turkish hostages be led out of the city and decapitated. (James Brundage, Crusades: A Document Survey.  Milwaukee: Marquette UP, 1962: 184. )

121) The urgency of this short period in New England's history is conveyed by Mourt's Relation, as well as by subsequent accounts or "relations" intended to "excite more prospective settlers," thus ensuring greater conquest and more widespread religious conversion.  The literature of non-justification severely disrupts this process, offering twenty-first-century readers of history a rare opportunity to engage in the various forms of literature from seventeenth-century New England critically and dialogically.  Such critiques of and dialogues with the writers of the text and the texts themselves do not necessarily unveil new truths; rather, my aim is to show how both literature of justification and literature of non-justification were operating with separate political aims, yet were disseminating the same "ardent faith" alluded to in the earliest literature of the period.  Such an intersection of politics and faith renders a very tense period in New England's history, complicating our current view of our entire country's early settlement. (Kristina Fennelly, Lehigh University )

122) The Indians did not live by the law of nature, and thus the Indians were by nature slaves.  This was indeed a perverted synthesis, combining Franciscus de Victoria's argument on the right of Spain to subjugate the Indians because of their violations of natural law and the Law of Nations with the popular Aristotelian-derived argument that a slave by nature participated in reason enough to apprehend, but not to have reason. (Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 174. )

123) The conquest of the earth, which mostly means the taking it away from those who have a different complexion or slightly flatter noses than ourselves, is not a pretty thing when you look into it too much. What redeems it is the idea only. An idea at the back of it; not a sentimental pretence but an idea; and an unselfish belief in the idea—something you can set up, and bow down before, and offer a sacrifice to... (Joseph Conrad, qtd. in Edward W. Said, Culture and Imperialism. New York: Vintage Books, 1993: vii.) (hear commentary by Mehnaz Choudhury)

124) Section 1.  All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside.  No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. (excerpt from the 14th Amendment )

125) In rethinking our history, we are not just looking at the past, but at the present, and trying to look at it from the point of view of those who have been left out of the benefits of so-called civilization.  It is a simple but profoundly important thing we are trying to accomplish, to look at the world from other points of view.  We need to do that, as we come into the next century, if we want this coming century to be different, if we want it to be, not an American century, or a Western century, or a white century, or a male century, or any nation's, any group's century, but a century for the human race. (Howard Zinn, On History.  New York: Seven Stories Press, 2001: 120. )

126) His [Thomas Hariot's] basic mistake was to consider the Indians as largely passive.  This was far from being the case.  Their willingness to choose to accept or adopt with some limited aspects of white society was combined with a proud, even arrogant preference for their own values and customary way of life. (David Beers Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies, 1584-1606.  Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1985: 223. )

127) Defined as ignoble savages, the native people of the New World occupied a special place in the European imagination.  Possessing none of the components of an ordered society, their only grip upon the world seemed to be the undifferentiated rage that they released upon anyone foolish enough to come within reach.  Ignoble savages violated all the limitations imposed on ordinary men by social usage.  Violence, treachery, brutality, and destruction were the foundations of savage existence. (Bernard W. Sheehan, Savagism and Civility: Indians and Englishmen in Colonial Virginia.  Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1980: 38. )

128) Reasons why it is not fittinge vtterly to make an exterpation of the Sauages (savages)  yett. . . . Holy writt sayeth . . . not to vtterly distroy the heathen, least [lest] the woods and wilde beasts should ouer runn them. My owne observaccon hath bene such as assureth me yt if the Indians inhabitt not amongst vs vnder obedience And as they haue ever kept downe ye woods and slayne the wolues, beares, and other beasts . . . we shalbe more opressed in short tyme by their absence, then in their liueing by vs both for or owne securitie as allso for or Cattle. . . .Seacondly when as by ye meanes before spoken of, they shalbe brought into subiection and shalbe made to deliuer hostriges for theire obedience, there is no doubt by gods grace but of the saueinge of many of their soules And then beinge natiues are apter for worke then yet or English are, knowinge howe to attayne greate quantitie of silke, hempe, and flax, and most exquisite in the dressinge thereof ffor or vses fitt for guides vppon discouerye into other Countries adiacent to ours, fitt to rowe in Gallies & friggetts and many other pregnant vses too tedious to sett downe. (John Martin, A Proposal for Subjugating the Indians. December 5, 1622. )

129) It is time to wipe away such an imputation of Barbarisme, especially since the consequence is so pregnant, that without this or the like, the state cannot subsist without some dangerous and imminent mutation.  He is ouer blinde that doth not see, what an inundation of people doth ouerflow this little Iland: Shall we vent this deluge, by indirect and vnchristian policies? shal we imitate the bloody and heathenish counsell of the Romanes, to leaue a Carthage standing, that may exhaust our people by forraine warre? or shall we nourish domesticall faction, that as in the dayes of Vitellius and Vespasian, the sonne may imbrew his hands in the blood of the father? Or shall we follow the barbarous foot-steps of the state of China, to imprison our people in a little circle of the earth, and consume them by pestilence? Or shall we like the beast of Babylon, denie to any sort the honourable estate of mariage, and allow abhominable stewes, that our people may not ouer increase in multitude? Or shall we take an inhumane example from the Muscouite, in a time of famine to put tenne thousand of the poore vnder the yce, as the Mice and Rats of a state politique?  If all these be diabolicall and hellish proiects, what other meanes remaines to vs, but by setling so excellent a Plantation, to disimbarke some millions of people vpon a land that floweth with all manner of plenty? (A True Declaration of the Estate in Virginia, 1610 )

130) Neither were the Spaniards the only Europeans to believe that there was an almost eschatological association between gold and godliness. Those, declared Richard Hakluyt, who sought to plead the Gospel in the newfound lands would be rewarded materially for their pains.  That, he claimed to believe was the only reason why God had filled the Indies with such wealth. (Anthony Pagden, Lords of All the World: Ideologies of Empire in Spain, Britain and France, c. 1500-1800.  New Haven: Yale UP, 1995: 68. )

131) [...] that the world Columbus found was not America because he could not conceive it, and not Asia because he did not find it, but rather a world in limbo, existent in thought, but not in fact. (Wilcomb E. Washburn,  "The Meaning of ‘Discovery' in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries."  American Historical Review 68.1 [1962]: 21. )

132) The Renaissance Englishmen who became Americans were sustained by an idea of order.  They were sure, above all, of an external and immutable principle which guaranteed the intelligibility of their relations to each other and to their world and thus made possible their life in society.  It was a principle to be expressed in the progress and elevation of civilized men, who striving to imitate their God, would bring order to chaos.  America was such a chaos, a Newfoundland chaos.  Her natural wealth was there for the taking because it was there for the ordering.  So were her natural men. (Roy Harvey Pearce, qtd. in  Juan E. Tazón, "The Evolution of a Stereotype: The Indian in English Renaissance Promotional Literature."  Beyond Pug's Tour: National and Ethnic Stereotyping in Theory and Literary Practice.  Ed. C.C. Barfoot.  Rodopi, 1997: 132. )

133) As long as the wars against pagans were truly defensive, religious motives were intermingled with the consciousness of fighting for hearth and home.  But the military situation changed during the tenth century. (Carl Erdman, The Origin of the Idea of Crusade.  Princeton: Princeton UP, 1977.  96.  Translated from Die Entstehung des Kreuzzegsgedankens by W. Kohlhammer.  Verlag: Stuttgart, 1935. )

134) European technology did more than impress the Indians with the white man's power.  It bestowed on Europeans the aura of divinity.  As the agents of impressive technological force, Europeans soon competed with the most successful of native spirits. (Bernard W. Sheehan, Savagism and Civility: Indians and Englishmen in Colonial Virginia.  Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1980: 164. )

135) Although the countrie people be very barbarous, yet haue they amongst them such government, as that their Magistrats for good commanding, and their people for du subiection, and obeying, excel many places that would be counted very civill.  The forme of their Common wealth is a monarchical government, one as Emperour ruleth ouer many kings or governours. (John Smith commenting on the government of Powhatan's people, qtd. in Wesley Craven,  White, Red, and Black: The Seventeenth Century Virginian.  Charlottesville: UP of Virginia, 1971: 43. )

136) [W]e assert that by law infidels ought to be subject to the faithful. (Hostiensis, 1200-1271, qtd. in Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest. New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 65. )

137) Now compare their [the Spaniards'] gifts of prudence, talent, magnanimity, temperance, humanity, and religion with those little men (homunculus) in whom you will scarcely find traces of humanity; who not only lack culture but do not even know how to write, who keep no records of their history except certain obscure and vague reminiscences of some things put down in certain pictures, and who do not have written laws but only barbarous institutions and customs.  But if you deal with the virtues, if you look for temperance or meekness, what can you expect from men who were involved in every kind of intemperance and wicked lust and who used to eat human flesh?  And don't think that before the arrival of the Christians they were living in quiet and the Saturnian peace of the poets.  On the contrary they were making war continuously and ferociously against each other with such rage that they considered their victory worthless if they did not satisfy their monstrous hunger with the flesh of their enemies, an inhumanity which in them is so much more monstrous since they are so distant from the unconquered and wild Scythians, who also fed on human flesh, for these Indians are so cowardly and timid, that they scarcely withstand the appearance of our soldiers and often many thousands of them have given ground, fleeing like women before a very few Spaniards, who did not even number a hundred. (Sepúlveda, Demócrates Segundo, qtd. in  Lewis Hanke, All Mankind Is One: A Study of the Disputation Between Bartolomé de Las Casas and Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda in 1550 on the Intellectual and Religious Capacity of the American Indians.  DeKalb: Northern Illinois UP, 1974: 85. )

138) As becomes apparent, the Madoc tradition perfectly offered itself as a colonial myth of origin.  Its vagueness in important points, as well as the primordial blankness at the heart of it, made it useful for several interpretations, dependent on political necessity and historiographic and geographic preferences. (Gesa Mackenthun, Metaphors of Dispossession: American Beginnings and the Translation of Empire, 1492-1637.  Norman: U of Oklahoma P, 1997: 32. )

139) Now, as worthy sons of the mother church, repel force and injury; for in law it happens that whatever anyone does in self-defense he is held to have done lawfully...Therefore, brothers, take courage with these arms, courage, that is to say, either to defend the fatherland in war against barbarians or to ward off enemies at home, or to defend comrades from robbers, for such courage is full of righteousness.  Indeed, such works of vengeance are duties which righteous men perform with a good conscience ... And he who puts wicked men to death is a servant of the Lord, for the reason that they are wicked and there is ground for killing them. (An archbishop accompanying a Crusade, qtd. in Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest. New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 67-68. )

140) [W]e do perceive that when occasion doth present you do rather allure and bring in that rude and barbarous nation to civility and acknowledging of their duty to God and to us, by wisdom and discreet handling than by force and shedding of blood; and yet, when necessity requireth, you are ready also to oppose yourself and your forces to them whom reason and duty cannot bridle. (Queen Elizabeth to Walter Deveraux, Earl of Essex, regarding a massacre in Ulster, Ire., qtd. in Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest. New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 67-68. )

141) [Humphrey] Gilbert's petition sought Elizabeth's sponsorship of a voyage to undertake the "discovering of a passage by the North, to go to Catala, and all other the east parts of the worlde."  An accompanying treatise supported his petition's proposal of a fabled northwest passage to the East... this treatise was an innovative, if somewhat indiscriminate, drawing together of then available authorities and sources on colonizing theory and practices, as well as extra-European geography. (Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 152. )

142) Alanus's argument is based on the extreme hierocratic proposition that before the coming of Christ no ruler on earth had legitimate authority.  Upon Christ's birth, however, all true authority (Alanus's term is dominium) belonged to the Savior, who unquestionably possessed and exercised both swords, earthy and spiritual.  Before returning to his Father, Christ gave the two swords to Peter.  Peter's papal successors had, in turn, granted the material sword to the emperor and all other rulers who accepted Christ and his chosen vicar.  Alanus relied on familiar medieval anthropomorphic imagery to support his hierocratic, totalizing argument on the papacy's necessary control respecting earthly dominium:  "The church is one body and so it shall have only one head or it will be a monster." (Alanus Anglicus, qtd. in Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest. New York: Oxford UP, 1990:  40.)

143) The Far East has its Mecca, Palestine its Jersualem, France its Lourdes, and Italy its Loretto, but America's only shrines are her altars of patriotism -- the first and most potent being Jamestown, the sire of Virginia, and Virginia the mother of this great Republic. (from a 1907 Virginia guidebook )

144) Firste seeke the kingdomme of god and the righteousness thereof, and all other thinges shalbe mynistred vnto you: Nowe the meanes to sende suche as shall labour effectually in this business ys by plantinge one or twoo Colonies of our nation vpon that fyrme, where they may remaine in safetie, and firste learne the language of the people nere adioyninge (the gifte of tongues beinge now taken awaye) and by little and little acquainte themselues with their manner and so with discrecion and myldenes distill into their purged myndes the swete and lively lignes of the gospel.  The people goodd and of a gentle and amyable nature which willingly will obey. (Richard Hakluyt the Younger, A Discourse of Western Planting, 1584. )

145) The aboriginal inhabitants of these countries I have regarded with the commiseration their history inspires. Endowed with the faculties and rights of men, breathing an ardent love of liberty and independence, and occupying a country which left them no desire but to be undisturbed, the stream of overflowing population from other regions directed itself on these shores; without power to divert or habits to contend against it, they have been overwhelmed by the current or driven before it. (Thomas Jefferson, Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 1805 )

146) The Care and Labour of providing for Artificial and Fashionable Wants, the sight of so many rich wallowing in Superfluous plenty, whereby so many are kept poor and distressed for Want, the Insolence of Office . . . and restraints of Custom, all contrive to disgust them [Indians] with what we call civil Society. (Benjamin Franklin, marginalia in Matthew Wheelock, Reflections, Moral and Political on Great Britain and Her Colonies, 1770 )

147)

One thing [that] you will discover
When you get next to one another
Is everybody needs some elbow room, elbow room.

It's nice when you're kinda cozy, but
Not when you're tangled nose to nosey, oh,
Everybody needs some elbow, needs a little elbow room.

That's how it was in the early days of the U.S.A.,
The people kept coming to settle though
The east was the only place there was to go.

The president was Thomas Jefferson
He made a deal with Napoleon.
How'd you like to sell a mile or two, (Or three, or a hundred, or a thousand?)

And so, in 1803 the Louisiana Territory was sold to us
Without a fuss
And gave us lots of elbow room.

Oh, elbow room, elbow room,
Got to, got to get us some elbow room.
It's the west or bust,
In God we trust.
There's a new land out there...
Lewis and Clark volunteered to go,
Good-bye, good luck, wear your overcoat!
They prepared for good times and for bad (and for bad),
They hired, Sacajawea to be their guide.
She led them all across the countryside.
Reached the coast
And found the most
Elbow room we've ever had.

The way was opened up for folks with bravery.
There were plenty of fights
To win land rights,
But the West was meant to be;
It was our Manifest Destiny!

The trappers, traders, and the peddlers,
The politicians, and the settlers,
They got there by any way they could. (Any way they could).
The Gold Rush trampled down the wilderness,
The railroads spread across from east to west,
And soon the West was opened up for - opened up for good.

And now we jet from east to west.
Good-bye New York, hello L.A.,
But it took those early folks to open up the way.

Now we've got a lot of room to be
Growing from sea to shining sea.
Guess that we have got our elbow room (elbow room)
But if there should ever come a time
When we're crowded up together, I'm
Sure we'll find some elbow room...up on the moon!

Oh, elbow room, elbow room.
Got to, got to get us some elbow room.
It's the moon or bust,
In God we trust.
There's a new land up there!

(School House Rock; Music & Lyrics: Lynn Ahrens)

148) Certainly anyone who denies that the temporal sword is in the power of Peter has not paid heed to the words of the Lord. . . . Both then are in the power of the Church, the material sword and the spiritual.  But the one is exercised for the church, the other by the church, the one by the hand of the priest, the other by the hand of kings and soldiers, though at the will and sufferance of the priest.  One sword ought to be under the other and the temporal authority subject to the spiritual.  (Pope Boniface VIII, qtd. in Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 29. )

149) The only well-known work in our field which seems to have been totally suppressed in the period [the 17th century] was Sepúlveda's Democrates Alter [Secundus], which argued that the Indians of the New World were natural slaves, and was suppressed on grounds of a moral disapprobation which we might well share today. (Bernice Hamilton, Political Thought in Sixteenth-Century Spain: A Study of the Political Ideas of Vitoria, DeSoto, Suárez, and Molina. Oxford: Clarendon P, 1963:10.)

150) [Humphrey Gilbert's] reign was one of unbridled terror against the Gaelic Irish.  Noncombatant peasant farmers and herders were slaughtered in order to cut off the food supply to the Gaelic armies.  Once Gilbert had conquered a region, he engaged in a gruesome ceremony with the surviving inhabitants, who received a pardon only on marching to Gilbert's tent and pledging loyalty.  According to a contemporary, the path to Gilbert's tent was lined with the heads of the rebels who had recently been killed or executed. . . . He regarded the Irish as subhuman and was reported to have once claimed that he would not even submit his dog's ears to the speech of the most supposedly noble man among the barbarians. . . . Fear rather than love, Gilbert opined, was the emotion that the victor should instill in such detestable vanquished peoples.  Imagine Genghis Khan supplemented by the lessons of Machiavelli's Prince: such was the widely admired character of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, the first Englishman selected by Elizabeth to conquer America. (Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 151-52. )

151) No one may beat or whip or call an Indian dog (perro) or any other name unless it is his proper name. (from law #24 of the Laws of Burgos, qtd. in Lewis Hanke, Aristotle and the American Indians: A Study in Race Prejudice in the Modern World.  Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1959: 15. )

152) But after these things they could not long continue in any peaceable condition, but were hunted and persecuted on every side, so as their former afflictions were but as flea-bitings in comparison of these which now came upon them.  For some were taken and clapped up in prison, others had their houses beset and watched night and day, and hardly escaped their hands; and the most were fain to flee and leave their houses and habitations, and the means of their livelihood.  Yet these and many other sharper things which afterward befell them, were no other than they looked for, and therefore were the better prepared to bear them by the assistance of God's grace and Spirit.  Yet seeing themselves thus molested, and that there was no hope of their continuance there, by a joint consent they resolved to go into the Low Countries, where they heard was freedom of religion for all men. (William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation. )

153) Perhaps the creation of a circular crater resulting from a hydrogen bomb will be considered the "symbolic act" or "visible symbol" necessary to claim possession [of the moon].  Shades of Cabot's proprietary cruise down the coast of North America! (Wilcomb E. Washburn, "The Moral and Legal Justifications for Dispossessing the Indians."  Seventeenth-Century America: Essays in Colonial History.  Ed. James Morton Smith.  New York: Norton, 1972: 32. )

154) Christians settle on lands that the Indians have never been paid for. (Delaware sachem Sassoonan, 1720 )

155) It is to be assuredly hoped, that they [Native Americans] will daily by little and little forsake their barbarous and savage living, and grow to such order and civility with us, as there may be well expected from thence no lesse quantity and diversity of merchandize than is now had out of Dutchland, Italy, France or Spain. (Christopher Carleill, A Briefe and Summary Discourse upon the Intended Voyage to the Hithermost Parts of America, 1583, reprinted in David B. Quinn, The Voyages and Colonising Enterprises of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Vol. 2.  London: Glasgow UP, 1940: 357. )

156) Moreover it is declared that this warning in such a case is useless in many respects, and for this reason had never been made, in the first place because it is difficult to do and it was most difficult at the commencement of the war, for it would be so difficult an affair, of such great effort, and requiring so long a time to approach with no common language, so many races, and so barbarous, separated by an immense span of ocean and lands, and not only to wait for what they would reply but also what they would do, that it would easily deter all Christian princes from such an attempt.  Thus, to introduce this warning as necessary were nothing else than to basicly [sic] hinder the pious expedition, bringing salvation to the barbarians, and consequently to impede their conversion, which is the purpose of the war.  [Admonition] is therefore useless and for this reason to be foresworn. (Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, Apology for the Book On the Just Causes of War.  Trans. and ed. Lewis D. Epstein.  Bowdoin College: 1973: 30-31. )

157) Because historians report only the basic facts and may choose to gloss over events which do not appear to be significant in the larger frame of chronological records, the task of ferreting out and elucidating the impact of man's inhumanity to man falls on the shoulders of the literati to illuminate and publish this information—such is the purpose of the literature of justification. (Elsie Hamel, Lehigh University )

158) The first Crusade has been described, not without reason, as the "foreign policy of the reformed papacy."  It set the pope, in place of the emperor, at the head of Europe, and assured the papacy a moral leadership.  In this way Urban II's cool, resolute guidance gradually brought about a reversal in the position of the parties, while his diplomacy and tact recovered for the church the sympathy which Gregory VII's intransigence had lost. (Geoffrey Barraclough, The Medieval Papacy.  London: Thames and Hudson, 1968:  91. )

159) Language is the perfect instrument of empire. (Antonio de Nebrija, 1492, qtd. in Robert A. Williams, Jr.,  The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest. New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 74. )

160) And what did Columbus want?  This is not hard to determine.  In the first two weeks of [his] journal entries, there is one word that recurs seventy-five times: GOLD.  {...}  Yes, he was concerned about God.  But more about Gold.  Just one additional letter.  His was a limited alphabet. (Howard Zinn, On History.  New York: Seven Stories Press, 2001: 100. )

161) Truth, knowledge, power -- the three pieces of the puzzle whose prize is empire. (Robert A. Williams, Jr.,  The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest. New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 77. )

162) [I]f the happiness of the mass of people can be secured at the expense of a little tempest now and then, or even a little blood, it will be a precious purchase. (Thomas Jefferson, qtd. in Robert A. Williams, Jr.,  The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest. New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 266. )

163) [Aristotle is] a gentile burning in Hell, whose doctrine we do not need to follow except in so far as it conforms with Christian truth. (Bartolome de Las Casas, qtd. in Lewis Hanke, Aristotle and the American Indians: A Study in Race Prejudice in the Modern World.  Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1959: 16. )

164) [. . .] And We do hereby strictly forbid, on Pain of our Displeasure, all our loving Subjects from making any Purchases or Settlements whatever, or taking Possession of any of the Lands above reserved without our especial leave and Licence for that Purpose first obtained. [. . .] if at any Time any of the Said Indians should be inclined to dispose of the said Lands, the same shall be Purchased only for Us, in our Name, at some public Meeting or Assembly of the said Indians, to be held for that Purpose by the Governor or Commander in Chief of our Colony respectively within which they shall lie [. . .]. (Royal Proclamation of 1763 )

165) What stronger right need the European settlers advance to the country than this?  Have not whole nations of uninformed savages been made acquainted with a thousand imperious wants and indispensible comforts, of which they were before wholly ignorant -- Have they not been literally hunted and smoked out of the dens and lurking places of ignorance and infidelity, and absolutely scourged into the right path.  Have not the temporal things, the vain baubles and filthy lucre of this world, which were too apt to engage their worldly and selfish thoughts, been benevolently taken from them; and have they not in lieu thereof, been taught to set their affections on things above? (Washington Irving, History of New York.  New York: 1809 [Book I, chap v]. )

166) In Johnson v. M'Intosh, Chief Justice Marshall performs ideological alchemy. He "marshals" together all the ingredients of medieval conquest discourse theretofore used to justify removal of native peoples from their U.S. homelands and, recognizing that none, singly or in tandem, truly pass legal muster, applies to them the pressure of manifest destiny to transform them into a "new and different rule" of conquest. He justifies the new rule essentially by paying native peoples the back-handed compliment of being too "brave [. . .] high spirited [and] fierce" to conquer by any legitimate means. Here is where the truly virulent damage of M'Intosh was injected into United States American ideology, for here, Marshall codifies a "new rule" of justifiable deceit. (Patricia Engle, Lehigh University ) (hear commentary by Patricia Engle)

167) Harriot [Thomas Harriot, chief scientist, whose special duty it was to study the Indian culture] was already learning as much Algonquian as he could from Manteo and Wanchese.  By the time the expedition reached its destination, he would be in sufficient command of the language to make extensive inquiries among the local people so as to enable him to compile a full discourse on their society and artifacts on his return.  (David Beers Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies, 1584-1606.  Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1985: 49. )

168) [. . . ]the interest of the states in the soil of the Indians within their boundaries [. . . .] [i]s nothing more than what was assumed at the first settlement of the country, to wit, a right of conquest or of purchase, exclusively of all competitors within certain defined limits [. . .]. If the interest in Georgia was nothing more than a pre-emptive right, how could that be called a fee-simple, which was nothing more than a power to acquire a fee-simple by purchase, when the proprietors should be pleased to sell?" (from Justice Johnson's dissent in Fletcher v. Peck, 1810: <http://laws.findlaw.com/us/10/87.html> )

169) The title of the Indians was not treated as a right of property and dominion, but as a mere right of occupancy.  As infidels, heathens, and savages, they were not allowed to possess the prerogatives belonging to absolute, sovereign, and independent nations.  The territory over which they wandered, and which they used for this temporary and fugitive purposes, was, in respect to Christians, deemed as if it were inhabited only by brute animals. (Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story, Commentaries, 152, reprinted in M. Lindley, The Acquisition and Government of Background Territory in International Law 29 [1926]. )

170) The people had been taught to despise themselves because they were left with barren land and dry rivers.  But they were wrong.  It was the white people who had nothing; it was the white people who were suffering as thieves do, never able to forget that their pride was wrapped in something stolen, something that had never been, and could never be, theirs.  The destroyers had tricked the white people as completely as they had fooled the Indians, and now only a few people understood how the filthy deception worked; only a few people knew that the lie was destroying the white people faster than it was destroying Indian people.  But the effects were hidden, evident only in the sterility of their art, which continued to feed off the vitality of other cultures, and in the dissolution of their consciousness into dead objects: the plastic and neon, the concrete and steel.  Hollow and lifeless as a witchery clay figure.  And what little still remained to white people was shriveled like a seed hoarded too long, shrunken past its time, and split open now, to expose a fragile, pale leaf stem, perfectly formed and dead. (Leslie Marmon Silko, Ceremony.  New York: Penguin, 1977: 204. )

171) Deified in some scholarly circles and vilified in others for its promulgation of the "Black Legend" of the barbarous Spanish conquistador, Las Casas's prolific body of work has been widely translated and discussed, due largely to its humanistic appeal, which is, indeed, more than considerable given its era and circumstances. However, seldom critiqued is the Eurocentric, Christian-centered superiority that manifests itself in Las Casas's main praise of Native Americans as docile and submissive, ripe for conversion.  Arguing throughout his many treatises for a kinder, gentler conversion, Las Casas never once questions the Christianizing mission itself, thus paradoxically maintaining the very Eurocentrism that promotes forcible conquest. (Anne DeLong, Lehigh University )

172) The two races could be friends, but also they could be deadly enemies.  Each, even if unwillingly, was a monstrous menace to the other.  And the only safe thing to do with a menace is to destroy it. (Murray Leinster, "First Contact." [1945]  The Science Fiction Hall of Fame.  Ed. Robert Silverberg.  Garden City: Doubleday, 1970: 250-78. )

173) The title by conquest is acquired and maintained by force.  The conqueror prescribes its limits.  Humanity, however, acting on public opinion, has established, as a general rule, that the conquered shall not be wantonly oppressed, and that their condition shall remain as eligible as is compatible with the objects of the conquest.  Most usually, they are incorporated with the victorious nation, and become subjects or citizens of the government with which they are connected.  The new and old members of the society mingle with each other, the distinction between them is gradually lost, and they make one people.  When this incorporation is practicable, humanity demands, and a wise policy requires, that the rights of the conquered to property should remain unimpaired . . . . (John Marshall, Johnson v. M'Intosh, 1823 )

174) If, he said, by the admission of the godly throughout Protestantism, the vast majority of people even of England and Scotland, remain unconverted, then they too are as "heathen" as the Narragansetts.  Then, if Europe is in fact Christian in name only, and not in reality, why bring the simple children of the wilderness into this conspiracy of civilized hypocrisy? (Roger Williams, "Christenings Make Not Christians."  The Complete Writings of Roger Williams.  Vol. VII. Ed. John Russell Bartlett.  New York: Russell & Russell, Inc., 1963: 27. )

175) Nothing is more to be endeavoured with the inland people than familiarity.  For so may you [European settlers] best discover all the natural commodities of their country, and also all their wants, all their strengths, all their [Native American's] weaknesses, and with whom they are in war [...] which known, you may work great effects of greatest consequence. (Richard Hakluyt the elder, Notes on Colonization, 1578, reprinted in David B. Quinn, The Voyages and Colonising Enterprises of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Vol. 1.  London: Glasgow UP, 1940: 182. )

176) I like a Plantation in a pure soil; that is where People are not displanted to the end, to Plant others.  For else it is rather an Extirpation than a Plantation. (Sir Francis Bacon, "Of Plantation," qtd. in Anthony Pagden, Lords of All the World: Ideologies of Empire in Spain, Britain, & France c. 1500 - c. 1800.  New Haven: Yale UP, 1995: 79. )

177) The Jeffersonian vision of the destiny of the Americas had no place for Indians as Indians. (Anthony F.C. Wallace, Jefferson and the Indians: The Tragic Fate of the First Americans. Belknap Press of the Harvard UP, 1999: 11. )

178) The treaties made with this nation purport to secure to it certain rights.  These are not gratuitous obligations assumed on the part of the United States.  They are obligations founded upon a consideration paid by the Indians by cession of part of their territory.  And if they, as a nation, are competent to make a treaty or contract, it would seem to me to be a strange inconsistency to deny to them the right and the power to enforce such a contract.  (Justice Smith Thompson's Dissent to The Cherokee Nation vs. The State of  Georgia, 1831 )

179) Simply put, customs and legal rules promulgated by colonial and later American courts and legislatures promoted not simply expropriation (right or wrong), but efficient expropriation.  The thesis of this article is that the colonists established rules to minimize the costs associated with dispossessing the natives.  If it had been cheaper to be more brutal, then Europeans would have been more brutal. (Eric Kades, "The Dark Side of Efficiency: Johnson v. M'Intosh and the Expropriation of American Indian Lands."  U. of PA Law Review 148.1065  [April 2000]: 1065-1190.  Lexis-Nexis. 23 Sep. 03. )

180) Barlow's picture of the land [Roanoke] and the people remains attractive, even though the reader is aware of its propaganda intent (at least in the edition by Hakluyt). (H.C. Porter, The Inconstant Savage.  London: Gerald Duckworth and Co, 1979: 225. )

181) Brothers: We never made any agreement with the King nor with any other nation, that we would give to either the exclusive right of purchasing our lands; and we declare to you, that we consider ourselves free to make any bargain or cession of lands, whenever and to whomever we please.  If the white people, as you say, made a treaty that none of them but the King should purchase of us, and that he has given that right to the United States, it is an affair which concerns you and him, and not us; we have never parted with such a power. (answer made by an unidentified Indian leader to the Commissioners, Aug. 16, 1793, recorded in American State Papers: Documents, Legislative and Executive, of the Congress of the United States. DC: Gales & Seaton, 1834, qtd. in Eric Kades, "The Dark Side of Efficiency: Johnson v. M'Intosh and the Expropriation of American Indian Lands."  U. of PA Law Review 148.1065 [April 2000]: 1065-1190.  Lexis-Nexis. 23 Sep. 03. )

182) The moral responsibility of the European nations and later Euro-Americans to bring the gospel and European civilization to the natives has not radically changed since the 1500s either. . . . More often this idea has served as a justification for policies (e.g., Indian removal, allotment and assimilation, termination) that are actually in the best interests of the political and economic forces of the United States, so that the responsibility of the nation to educate, convert, and elevate the Indians socially, economically, and spiritually has been the cloak that hides a multitude of sins. (Vine Deloria,  Jr., & David E. Wilkins.  Tribes, Treaties, & Constitutional Tribulations.  Austin: U of Texas P, 1999: 7. )

183) Historians of the twentieth century have expressed varied opinions regarding the importance of and sincerity of the missionary motive in Elizabethan and Jacobean overseas expansion.  Most have regarded it as of lesser importance or as a mere cliché. (Loren Pennington, "The Amerindian in English Promotional Literature."  The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic, and America 1480-1650.  Ed. K. R. Andrews, N. P. Canny, and P. E. H. Hair.  Liverpool: Liverpool UP, 1978: 175. )

184) Sir, as we trace the sources of this law [of nations], we find its authority to depend either upon the conventions or common consent of nations.  And when, permit me to inquire, were the Indian tribes ever consulted on the establishment of such a law?  Whoever represented them or their interests in any congress of nations, to confer upon the public rules of intercourse, and the proper foundations of dominion and property?  The plain matter of fact is, that all these partial doctrines have resulted from the selfish plans and pursuits of more enlightened nations; and it is not matter for any great wonder, that they should so largely partake of a mercenary and exclusive spirit toward the claims of Indians. (from speech of Sen. Theodore Frelinghuyson of New Jersey, presented to the Senate April 9, 1830, during debate of Georgia's Indian Removal Act.  Rpt. in Documents of United States Indian Policy. 3rd. ed.  Ed. Francis Paul Prucha. U of Nebraska P, 2000: 49. )

185)

The actual Laws of Burgos, the legislative code promulgated on the basis of the council's seven propositions, reflected a Eurocentrically determined vision of Indian normative divergence requiring the natives' subjugation and remediation, by peaceful means where possible but by forceful means if necessary.  As one section of the Burgos code declared:

Should the natives attempt to oppose the settlement [of a colony], they shall be given to  understand that the intention in forming it, is to teach them to know God and his holy law, by  which they are to be saved; to preserve friendship with them, and teach them to live in a  civilized state. . . . They shall be convinced of this by mild means, through the interference of  religion and priests, . . . and if, notwithstanding, they do withhold their consent, the settlers . . .  shall proceed to make their settlement . . . without doing them any greater damage than shall  be necessary. The code regulated nearly every aspect of Indian group life.  Indian tribal culture was formally relegated to a deficient, diminished, legal status, to be reshaped according to Christian European ethical, political, and social norms.  Total assimilation of the Indian to the European's truth became the official colonial policy of the Spanish Crown.

(Robert A. Williams, Jr.,  The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest. New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 87-88. )

186) Whatever the ultimate normative conclusion, the entire process of expropriating America is a stunning example of Hirschleifer's muscular economics -- the "dark side" of efficiency.  (Eric Kades, "The Dark Side of Efficiency: Johnson v. M'Intosh and the Expropriation of American Indian Lands." U of PA Law Review 148.1065 [April 2000]: 1065-1190. Lexis-Nexis. 23 Sep. 03. )

187) When therefore this noble enterprise, by the rules of Religion is expressly iustified; when the passages by Sea are all open and discouered, when the climate is so fruitfully tempered; when the naturall riches of the soile are so powerfully confirmed: will any man so much betray his owne inconsiderate ignorance, and bewray his rashnesse; that when the same Sunne shineth, he should not haue the same eies to beholde it; when the same hope remaines, he should not haue the same heart to apprehend it?  At the voyage of Sir Thomas Gates, what swarmes of people desired to be transported?  what alacrity and cheerefulnesse in the Aduenturers by free wil offerings, to build vp this new Tabernacle? ( A True Declaration of the Estate in Virginia, 1610 )

188) We passed toward the place where they were left in sundry houses, but we found the houses taken downe, and the place very strongly enclosed with a high palisado of great trees, with cortynes and flankers very Fort-like, and one of the chiefe trees or posts at the right side of the entrance had the bark taken off, and 5 foote from the ground in fayre Capitall letters was the graven CROATOAN without any crosse or signe of distresse. (John White on his attempt to find the 1587 Roanoke colonists: David B. Quinn, ed.,  New American World: A Documentary History of North America to 1612.  Vol. 3.  New York: Hector Bye, 1979. )

189) [W]e ask and require that you . . . acknowledge the Church as the ruler and superior of the whole world and the high priest called Pope and in his name the king and queen . . . our lords, in his place, as superiors and lords and kings of these islands and this mainland . . . , and that you consent and permit that these religious fathers declare and preach to you . . . .  [I]f you do not do this or if you maliciously delay in doing it, I certify to you that with the help of God we shall forcefully enter into your country and shall make war against you in all ways and manners that we can, and shall submit you to the yoke and obedience of the Church and of their highnesses . . . , and we shall take away your goods and shall do to you all the harm and damage that we can, . . . and we protest that the deaths and losses that shall accrue from this are your fault. (the Requerimiento, 1513.  New Iberian World: A Documentary History of the Discovery and Settlement of Latin America to the Early 17th Century.  Vol. I.  Eds. John H. Parry and Robert G. Keith.  New York: Times Books, 1984. )

190) So that none could come into his [Humphrey Gilbert's] tent for any cause [but] commonly he must pass through a lane of heads which he used ad terrorem . . . and yet did it bring great terror to the people when they saw the heads of their dead fathers, brothers, children, kinsfolk and friends, lie on the ground before their faces, as they came to speak with the said colonel. (Thomas Churchyard, A General Rehearsal of Wars, 1579, qtd. in Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 151. )

191) 31. The ends of this voyage are these:  1. To plant Christian religion.  2. To trafficke.  3. To conquer.  Or, to doe all three. (Richard Hakluyt the Elder, "Inducements to the lykinge of the voyadge." David B. Quinn, ed.,  New American World: A Documentary History of North America to 1612.  Vol. 3.  New York: Hector Bye, 1979. )

192) What do we mean by "America"? (Wilcomb E. Washburn,  "The Meaning of ‘Discovery' in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries." American Historical Review 68.1 [1962]: 1. )

193) We found the people most gentle, loving and faithful, void of all guile and treason, and such as lived after the manner of the Golden Age. (The account of Roanoke by Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlowe: David B. Quinn, ed.,  New American World: A Documentary History of North America to 1612.  Vol. 3.  New York: Hector Bye, 1979. )

194) In Richard Hakluyt the Younger's Discourse of Western Planting, Christian conversion is represented in a way that appears to be gentle and nonviolent, as Hakluyt suggests that the missionaries "plant" themselves in with the natives and learn their culture before inciting them to accept Christianity.  While Hakluyt seems to be implying somewhat of an appreciation for native culture, a closer look reveals something quite different, suggesting instead that the culture is not to be appreciated but rather learned and utilized by the English.  This advice – to learn something so that it can be used for one's own benefit – is the same advice Hakluyt gives in other sections, particularly in terms of using the land.  By applying this same logic to the natives, Hakluyt pushes them into the background, placing them on the same level as the land, and suggesting that like the fields that can easily be made ready for sowing, the natives can easily be made ready to receive the Christian god. (Elizabeth Wambold, Lehigh University )

195) However extravagant the pretension of converting the discovery of an inhabited country into conquest may appear; if the principle has been asserted in the first instance, and afterwards sustained, if a country has been acquired and held under it; if the property of the great mass of the community originates in it, it becomes the law of the land, and cannot be questioned. (John Marshall, Johnson v. M'Intosh, 1823 )

196) The best known form of company-inspired propaganda was the official sermon, such as Robert Gray or William Crashaw preached for the Virginia Company.  The occasion for these was some such event as "the said Lord Generall His leaue taking of England his Natiue Countrey, and departure for Virginia."  Such discourses appealed to the serious middle class, and by the atmosphere of religious respectability which they threw over colonization helped to combat wild talk in the taverns and the evil tales of returning seamen.  (Howard Mumford Jones,  "The Colonial Impulse: An Analysis of the 'Promotion' Literature of Colonization." Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 90.2 [1946]: 133. )

197) In some respects this ideal picture [the idyllic picture Barlowe paints about the first voyage to Roanoke] helped to create too favorable an impression of the land in England, and may be thought to have contributed to the long-term failure of the1584-90 enterprises. (David Beers Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies, 1584-1606.  Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1985: 32. )

198) Private interests, both with Indians and English are many; yet these things you may and must do: First, kiss truth where you evidently, upon your soul, see it.  2. Advance justice, though upon a child's eye.  3. Seek and make peace, if possible, with all men.  4. Secure your own life from a revengeful, malicious arrow or hatch.  I have been in danger of them, and delivered yet from them; blessed be His holy name. (Roger Williams, qtd. by Perry Miller, Roger Williams: His Contribution to the American Tradition.  New York: Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1953: 50-51. )

199) For fear they would be left behind, they abandoned all their goods in the greatest confusion and raced to the boats as if a mighty army were on their heels.  And indeed they were put to flight by a mighty power, for God Himself stretched His hand against them because of the cruelties and outrages they had committed against the natives. (from an anonymous report on Richard Grenville's voyage to Roanoke in David Quinn, ed., New American World: A Documentary History of North America to 1612.  Vol. 3.  New York: Hector Bye, 1979: 151-52. )

200) That Rome itself was aware of its precise role in providing spiritual legitimacy to the colonizing desires of Eurpoean feudal potentates in an age of nationalistic expansionism is beyond doubt. (Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990:  73. )

201) If we look to the whole course of treatment by this country of the Indians, from the year 1775, to the present day, when dealing with them in their aggregate capacity as nations or tribes, and regarding the mode and manner in which all negotations have been carried on and concluded with them; the conclusion appears to me irresistible, that they have been regarded, by the executive and legislative branches of the government, not only as sovereign and independent, but as foreign nations or tribes, not within the jurisdiction nor under the government of the states within which they were located. (Justice Smith Thompson's Dissent to The Cherokee Nation vs. The State of  Georgia, 1831)

202) The total record of his [Ralph Lane's] dealings with the Indians is not, so far as the evidence (chiefly historical) goes, a wholly unfavorable one.  It is that of a military man, estimating his opponent's strengths and weaknesses and exploiting them to his own advantage.  His attitudes toward the Indian population were not aggressive...he took them as he found them. (David Beers Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies, 1584-1606.  Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1985: 219. )

203) And by how much they, upon due considerations, shall find our manner of knowledge and crafts to exceed theirs in perfection, and speed for doing or execution, by so much the more is it probable that they should desire our friendship and love, and have the greater respect for pleasing and obeying us. (From Thomas Hariot's Briefe and True Report, found in David B. Quinn, ed.,  New American World: A Documentary History of North America to 1612.  Vol. 3.  New York: Hector Bye, 1979. )

204) Earlier writers of North Carolina and colonial American history have tended to put the people who inhabited the areas first touched by the settlers into the background as if they were a part of the landscape [...] the Indians were the occupiers and owners of the land into which the English intruded.  They had a highly developed society going far back in time and developing over long periods before the European discovery of America.  The inroads that they had made into the wilderness that was America enabled the Europeans to follow in their tracks, to learn their way of growing crops, which were new to the settlers, to discover new ways of catching fish and game, and above all to confront new concepts of belief and of the relationship between man and his environment. (David B. Quinn and Alison M. Quinn, The First Colonists: Documents on the Planting of the First English Settlements in North America, 1584-1590.  Raleigh: North Carolina Dept.of Cultural Resources, Division of Archives and History, 1982: iv. )

205) . . . M'Intosh is best explained as one element of a calculated, rational, unemotional effort to obtain Indian lands at the least cost.  This analysis rejects the kindness imputed to Marshall . . . by the benevolent school, and the truculence imputed by the malevolent school.  The working assumption is that such a sweeping national policy to transfer wealth must be understood, at bottom, in terms of selfishness (economics), not benevolence or malevolence (morality or lack thereof). (Eric Kades, "The Dark Side of Efficiency: Johnson v. M'Intosh and the Expropriation of American Indian Lands."  U. of PA Law Review 148.1065 [April 2000]: 1065-1190.  Lexis-Nexis. 23 Sep. 03. )

206) [Hakluyt] celebrates Protestant England's self-avowed moral superiority to Catholic Spain by yoking the latter with Babylon.  Specifically, Babylon serves Hakluyt as a multifaceted and overt symbol of Spain's corruption and fosters what becomes known as the Black Legend – the allegation of Spain's habitual cruelty and treachery, which Englishmen widely used to justify the claim of their own nation's election. Thus, through images invoking the many sins, the prophesized doom, and finally even the punitive role of the Babylonians, Hakluyt castigates his nation's rival and celebrates, though cautiously, England's virtue and deservedness. (Jennifer Bess,  "Hakluyt's Discourse of Western Planting." Explicator 55.1 [1996]: 3.)

207) The mention of the nakedness of the Indians is typical; to a ruling class obsessed with the symbolism of dress, the Indians' physical appearance was a token of a cultural void.  In the eyes of the Europeans the Indians were culturally naked. (Stephen Greenblatt, qtd. in  Juan E. Tazón, "The Evolution of a Stereotype: The Indian in English Renaissance Promotional Literature."  Beyond Pug's Tour: National and Ethnic Stereotyping in Theory and Literary Practice.  Ed. C.C. Barfoot.  Rodopi, 1997: 129. )

208) The most diligent and systematic translator of colonial expansion was the clergyman Richard Hakluyt, whose collections of travel narratives, the Divers Voyages Touching the Discoveries of America of 1582 and the Principall Navigations, Voiages and Discoveries of the English Nation of 1589, greatly contributed to inaugurating the Elizabethan colonial project. (Gesa Mackenthun, Metaphors of Dispossession: American Beginnings and the Translation of Empire, 1492-1637.  Norman: U of Oklahoma P, 1997: 22. )

209) When therefore, it is a sweete smelling sacrifice, to propagate the name of Iesus Christ, when the Babylonish Inchantresse . . . hath compassed sea, and land, to make, sixe, eight, or ten millions, of Romish proselites. When there is no other, mixt, moderate, course, to transport the Virginian soules to heauen. Where there hath beene a reall concession from their rurall Emporour, that hath licensed vs to negociate among them, and to possesse their countrie with them. When there is more vnpeopled continent of earth, than wee and they . . . can ouerburden with multitude. . . . (A True Declaration of the Estate in Virginia, 1610 )

210) In effect, the Requerimiento enabled the Spanish to occupy the Americas by employing a legal ritual that allowed them to adhere to the letter of Innocent IV's opinion on infidel dominium while missing its spirit. (James Muldoon, The Americas in the Spanish World Order: The Justification for Conquest in the Seventeenth Century.  Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1994: 27. )

211) Hakluyt's Discourse reveals him to be one of the first English colonial promoters to realize that the representations of England's colonial adventures could prove as crucial to their success as any single voyage or expedition.  He seems implicitly to have grasped one of the most significant differences between the colonialism practiced by the English and that practiced by other European powers, namely the fact that English colonial endeavor, because it was never centrally funded or directed, would literally have to be sold to the English people.  Moreover, Hakluyt was the first colonial writer to give voice to the idea that England's colonial efforts could serve its national interests, a simple notion that appeared nowhere as obvious to his contemporaries as it does to us today. (Thomas Scanlan, Colonial Writing and the New World: 1583 – 1671.  London, Cambridge UP, 1999: 32. )

212) The Indians we speak of, and all other peoples who later come to the knowledge of Christians, outside the faith though they be, are not to be deprived of their liberty or the right to their property.  They are to have, to hold, to enjoy both liberty and dominion, freely, lawfully.  They must not be enslaved.  Should anything different be done, it is void, invalid, of no force, no worth.  And those Indians and other peoples are to be invited into the faith of Christ by the preaching of God's word and the example of a good life. (Pope Paul III, "Sublimis Deus," 1537. New Iberian World: A Documentary History of the Discovery and Settlement of Latin America to the Early 17th Century.  Vol. I.  Eds. John H. Parry and Robert G. Keith.  New York: Times Books, 1984. )

213)

She [Mrs. Scott] said she hoped to goodness they would have no trouble with Indians.  Mr. Scott had heard rumors of trouble.  She said, "Land knows, they'd never do anything with this country themselves.  All they do is roam around over it like wild animals.  Treaties or no treaties, the land belongs to folks that'll farm it.  That's only common sense and justice."

She did not know why the government made treaties with Indians.  The only good Indian was a dead Indian. The very thought of Indians made her blood run cold.  She said, "I can't forget the Minnesota massacre.  My Pa and my brothers went out with the rest of the settlers, and stopped them only fifteen miles west of us.  I've heard Pa tell often enough how they--"

Ma made a sharp sound in her throat, and Mrs. Scott stopped.  Whatever a massacre was, it was something that grown-ups would not talk about when little girls were listening.

After Mrs. Scott had gone, Laura asked Ma what a massacre was.  Ma said she could not explain that now; it was something that Laura would understand when she was older.

(Laura, her mother Caroline, and a neighbor talk about the Native Americans who live nearby in Laura Ingalls Wilder's Little House on the Prairie )

214) The sixteenth-century writings of the two Richard Hakluyts, the detailed descriptions of the region by Thomas Hariot, and the maps and drawings of John White generated compelling themes and images of the New World that may have failed to save Raleigh's proposed colony but nevertheless found resonance in later promotional tracts that formed an integral component in the settlement process. (Susan Schmidt Horning, "The Power of Image: Promotional Literature and Its Changing Role in the Settlement of Early Carolina."  North Carolina Historical Review 70.4 [1993]: 366. )

215) With all cruel immanity [sic], contrary to all natural humanity, they subdued a naked and yielding people, whom they sought for gain, and not for any religion or plantation of a commonwealth, over whom, to satisfy their most greedy and insatiable covetousness, did most cruelly tyrannise, and most tyrannically and again the course of all human nature did so scorch and roast them to death, as by their histories doth appear.  (John Hooker on the Spanish, qtd. in H.C. Porter, The Inconstant Savage. London: Gerald Duckworth and Co, 1979: 223. )

216) The Church's interest in enforcing the Crusading obligations resulted in the extension of its power through increasingly sophisticated techniques of surveillance. (Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990:  39. )

217) The Revolution resolved the question of political independence only for the Americans.  It did not affect the posture of other European nations toward Indian tribes.  After the war the British conducted several treaty councils with the tribes of the Ohio and Great Lakes Country.  British trading companies dominated the fur trade of the interior and Great Lakes area for several decades.  The Spanish quickly made treaties with the strong southestern tribes, most notably the Creek and Choctaw, and in 1785 made an important treaty with the Comanche, which had to be conducted at several locations in the Southwest because the tribe controlled nearly one thousand miles of territory considered by the Spanish to be their borderlands.  Russian trading companies made treaties with the California tribes to secure their title to land.  And following the Mexican Revolution in 1820, the new Mexican government immediately began making treaties with tribes who resided primarily in the area later settled by the United States, and continued to do so until the 1870s. (Vine Deloria,  Jr., & David E. Wilkins.  Tribes, Treaties, & Constitutional Tribulations.  Austin: U of Texas P, 1999: 9-10. )

218) Who does not know that kings and princes derive their origin from men ignorant of God who raised themselves above their fellow men by pride, plunder, treachery, murder—in short, by every kind of crime—at the instigation of the Devil, the prince of this world, men blind with greed and intolerable in their audacity?   If, then, they strive to bend the priests of God to their will, to whom may they more properly be compared than to him who is chief over all the sons of pride?  (Gregory VII, qtd. in Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest. New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 25. )

219) They were to prove, in this area at least, well-disposed toward each other.  And the spontaneous attraction that drew each to each demonstrated that whatever previous views the English had about the savagery of savages, these people were human and humane, even if very different in their level of cultural and material equipment from themselves.  (David Beers Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies, 1584-1606.  Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1985: 34. )

220) The Indians probably saw the Bible as a means of physical rather than spiritual salvation.  Along with their Bibles the Europeans brought to America Old World pathogens for which the Indians, long isolated from such diseases, had failed to develop antibodies [...] they may well have considered the Bible a kind of protective talisman. (Susan Schmidt Horning, "The Power of Image: Promotional Literature and Its Changing Role in the Settlement of Early Carolina."  North Carolina Historical Review 70.4 [1993]: 379. )

221) Power, in its most brutal mass-mobilized form as will to empire, was of course far more determinate in the establishment of Western hegemony in the New World than were any laws or theoretical formulations on the legal rights and status of American Indians. (Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest. New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 7. )

222) Granganimeo, who had been so friendly with Barlowe, had died but he had passed on to Ensenore, another aged weroance, his theory of the nature of the Englishmen.  They were men who had died but had been allowed to return for a short period to earth.  They had supernatural instruments, such as guns and ships, at their disposal, but most alarming and significant was their capacity to spread disease from a distance.  They would use these powers if opposed violently.  Continued friendship, or a show of it, was essential, but in due course the strange white men would soon disappear and return to their status as dead persons and everything would be as it had been. (David Beers Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies, 1584-1606.  Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1985: 218. )

223) They [the royal administrators] gave out, that now their charter was gone, all their lands were the kings, that themselves did represent the king, and that therefore men that would have any legal title to their lands must take patents of them, on such terms as they should see meet to impose. . . . I then said, I did not understand that the lands of New-England were the king's, but the king's subjects, who had for more than sixty years had the possession and use of them by a twofold right warranted by the word of God.  1. By a right of just occupation from the grand charter in Genesis 1st and 9th chapters, whereby God gave the earth to the sons of Adam and Noah, to be subdued and replenished.  2. By a right of purchase from the Indians, who were native inhabitants, and had possession of the land before the English came hither, and that having lived here sixty years, I did certainly know that from the beginning of these plantations our fathers entered upon the land, partly as a wilderness and Vacuum Domicilium, and partly by consent of the Indians. (Edward Rawson, The Revolution in New-England Justified, 1691. )

224) And therefore in the year 1628, [Christ] stirs up his servants as the heralds of a king to make this proclamation for volunteers, as followeth: "Oh yes!  oh yes!  oh yes!  All you the people of Christ that are here oppressed, imprisoned, and scurrilously derided, gather yourselves together, your wives and little ones, and answer to your several names as you shall be shipped for his service, in the western world, and more especially for planting the united colonies of New England, where you are to attend the service of the King of Kings." (Edward Johnson, The Wonder-Working Providence of Sion's Saviour in the Wilderness, 1654. )

225) There is little doubt that [Ralph] Lane's actions inflicted long-term damage to the relations between the colonists and the inhabitants.  This would make it difficult, and perhaps impossible, to establish further colonies on Roanoke Island or in the surrounding area unless, indeed, the Indians were subjected to severe coercion or even wiped out. (David Beers Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies, 1584-1606. Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1985: 121. )

226) A man may, by this helpe [a dictionary], converse with thousands of Natives all over the Countrey: and by such converse it may please the Father of Mercies to spread civilitie, (and in his own most holy season) Christianitie; for one Candle will light ten thousand, and it may please God to blesse a little Leaven to season the mightie Lump of those Peoples and Territories. (Roger Williams, A Key into the Language of America, 1643.) (hear commentary by Kristina Fennelly)

227) These Indians being strangers to arts and sciences, and being unacquainted with the inventions that are common to civilized people, are ravished with admiration at the first view of any such sight.  They took the first ship they saw for a walking island, the mast to be a tree, the sail white clouds, and the discharging of ordnance for lightning and thunder. (William Wood, New England's Prospect, 1635.  )

228) Pope Innocent's letters to the Great Khan of the Mongols [in 1244] signify [how] the "West" has sought to impose its vision of truth on non-Western peoples since the Middle Ages.  In seeking the conquest of the earth, the Western colonizing nations of Europe and the derivative settler-colonized states produced by their colonial expansion have been sustained by a central idea: the West's religion, civilization, and knowledge are superior to the religions, civilizations, and knowledge of non-Western peoples. (Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest. New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 6. )

229) The conduct of leaders in the New World was curiously like the conduct of leaders in the Old; and if Machiavelli had known as much about the performance of Europeans in America as he knew about the performance of Italian rulers, he could have drawn his illustrations quite as richly from the one case as he did from the other. (Howard Mumford Jones, qtd. in  Juan E. Tazón, "The Evolution of a Stereotype: The Indian in English Renaissance Promotional Literature."  Beyond Pug's Tour: National and Ethnic Stereotyping in Theory and Literary Practice.  Ed. C.C. Barfoot.  Rodopi, 1997: 126. )

230) I shall shutt upp this discourse with that exhortation of Moses, that faithfull servant of the Lord, in his last farewell to Israell, Deut. 30. Beloued there is now sett before us life and good, Death and evill, in that wee are commanded this day to loue the Lord our God, and to loue one another, to walke in his wayes and to keepe his Commandements and his Ordinance and his lawes, and the articles of our Covenant with him, that wee may liue and be multiplied, and that the Lord our God may blesse us in the land whither wee goe to possesse it.  But if our heartes shall turne away, soe that wee will not obey, but shall be seduced, and worshipp and serue other Gods, our pleasure and proffitts, and serue them; it is propounded unto us this day, wee shall surely perishe out of the good land whither wee passe over this vast sea to possesse it. (John Winthrop, "A Model of Christian Charity," 1630. )

231) . . . the character and religion of . . . [America's] inhabitants afforded an apology for considering them as a people over whom the superior genius of Europe might claim an ascendancy.  (John Marshall, Johnson v. M'Intosh, 1823 )

232) Therefore, I approve the more decidedly of the opinion of those who say that the cause of the Spaniards is just when they make war upon the Indians, who practiced abominable lewdness even with beasts, and who ate human flesh, slaying men for that purpose.  For such sins are contrary to human nature, and the same is true of other sins recognized as such by all except . . . brutes and brutish men.  And against such men, as Isocrates says, war is made as against brutes. (Alberico Gentili, qtd. in Robert A. Williams, Jr.,  The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 196. )

233) Some of [Ralph] Lane's cruelty to the Indians may have been silently censored, which meant that the next group of colonists would have had less than realistic expectations about their possible relationship with Americans around them. (Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Roanoke: The Abandoned Colony.  Totowa: Rowman & Litterfield, 1984: 104. )

234) Conquest, colonization, and remediation of radically divergent peoples were mandated by a law that appealed to a Eurocentric conception of human reason and by tactics of convenience that viewed a Christianized savage as a safe savage. (Robert A. Williams, Jr.,  The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 198. )

235) This then is a sufficient reason to prove our going thither to live lawful: their land [the Indians' land] is spacious and void, and there are few and do but run over the grass, as do also the foxes and wild beasts.  They are not industrious, neither have art, science, skill or faculty to use either the land or the commodities of it, but all spoils, rots, and is marred for want of manuring, gathering, ordering, etc.  As the ancient patriarchs therefore removed from straiter places into more roomy, where the land lay idle and waste, and none used it, though there dwelt inhabitants by them (as Genesis 13:6, 11, 12, and 34:21, and 41:20), so it is lawful now to take a land which none useth, and make use of it... It being then, first, a vast and empty chaos; secondly, acknowledged the right of our sovereign king; thirdly, by a peaceable composition in part possessed of divers of his loving subjects, I see not who can doubt or call in question the lawfulness of inhabiting or dwelling there. (Robert Cushman, "Reasons and Considerations Touching the Lawfulness of Removing out of England into the Parts of America," qtd. in Alan Heimert and Andrew Delbanco, The Puritans in America: A Narrative Anthology.  Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1985: 41-44.)

236) When Noah's three sons, Shem, Ham, and Japhet, went out to the three quarters of the old world, Ham to Africa, Shem to Asia, Japhet to Europe, did each claim a quarter of the world for his residence?  Suppose Ham to have spent his time fishing or gathering oysters in the Red Sea, never once stretching his leg in a long walk to see his vast dominions, from the mouth of the Nile, across the mountains of Ethiopia and the river Niger to the Cape of Good Hope, where the Hottentots, a cleanly people, now stay; or supposing him like a Scots pedlar, to have traveled over many thousand leagues of that country: would this give him a right to the soil?  In the opinion of some men it would establish an exclusive right. (Hugh Henry Brackenridge, Indian Atrocities. Cincinnati, 1867: 62-72. )

237) All lawful magistrates in the world, both before the coming of Christ Jesus and since (excepting those unparalleled typical magistrates of the church of Israel), are but derivatives and agents immediately derived and employed as eyes and hands, serving for the good of the whole: hence they have and can have no more power than fundamentally lies in the bodies or fountains themselves, which power, might, or authority is not religious, Christian, &c., but natural, humane, and civil. (Roger Williams, The Bloody Tenant of Persecution, qtd. in Alan Heimert and Andrew Delbanco, The Puritans in America: A Narrative Anthology.  Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1985: 199-200. )

238) A man that is willing to open his eyes may easily see that though the government of the civil magistrate do extend no further than over the bodies and goods of his subjects, yet he may, and ought to, improve that power over their bodies and goods, to the good of their souls...The bodies and goods and outward estates of men may expect a blessing when their souls prosper...If it seem a monstrous thing in the eyes of the Discusser to imagine that the good estate of the church, and the well-ordering of the ordinances of God therein, should concern the civil good of the commonwealth, it may well seem monstrous to him to imagine that the flourishing of religion is the flourishing of the civil state, and the decay of religion is the decay  and ruin of the civil state. (John Cotton, The Bloody Tenant Washed and Made White in the Blood of the Lamb, qtd. in Alan Heimert and Andrew Delbanco, The Puritans in America: A Narrative Anthology.  Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1985: 201-6. )

239) Nevertheless, examining literature of justification in this period is not the only crucial step in the process of reading the history of New England.  Perhaps more revealing is unearthing the often obscured literature of non-justification, written namely by Roger Williams during the period between 1620 and 1675.  He, too, was a man of faith and possessed firm conviction in his beliefs.  Yet his life's work and writings did not contribute to nor result in the more pressing tragedy of the dispossession of the Indians due to the white man's simplistic rationale of conquest.  Instead, Williams diverges from his contemporaries in thought, word, and deed by challenging the settlers' early forms of interaction and communication with the Indians; establishing a more direct way of dialoguing with the Indians (via learning their language); engaging in public debates via letters with renowned scholars, preachers, and community leaders over separation between church and state; and professing his truth regarding freedom of religion and individual expression, despite the ultimate cost or consequence. (Kristina Fennelly, Lehigh University )

240) Although there is little talk of tragedy in this volume, we know that more than half of the original party died during the first year at Plymouth[....]Another tragedy is only presaged here, in the white man's facile rationalization of his usurpation of lands which had long been used by Indians. (Dwight B. Heath, ed., Mourt's Relation: A Journal of the Pilgrims at Plymouth.  Bedford: Applewood Books, 1963: viii. )

241) Objection 1: We have no warrant to enter upon that land which hath been so long possessed by others.
Answer 1: That which lies common and hath never been replenished or subdued is free to any that will possess and improve it, for God hath given to the sons of men a double right to the earth: there is a natural right and a civil right [....] The natives in New England, they inclose no land neither have any settled habitation nor any tame cattle to improve the land by, and so have no other but a natural right to those countries.  So as if we leave them sufficient for their use we may lawfully take the rest, there being more than enough for them and us. (John Winthrop, "Reasons to Be Considered for...the Intended Plantation in New England," 1629,  qtd. in Alan Heimert and Andrew Delbanco, The Puritans in America: A Narrative Anthology.  Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1985: 70-74. )

242) Ultimately, the image they created worked its way into the promotional tracts of a later day that sought to encourage the settlers themselves. [...] The body of promotional literature surrounding the Roanoke colony found its themes echoed in later tracts that preceded the settlement at Albemarle, showing not only the changing nature of promotional publications in the settlement process but also the adaptability and appeal of a powerful image. (Susan Schmidt Horning, "The Power of Image: Promotional Literature and Its Changing Role in the Settlement of Early Carolina."  North Carolina Historical Review 70.4 [1993]: 400. )

243) The place they [the Plymouth colonists] had thoughts on was some of those vast and unpeopled countries of America, which are fruitful and fit for habitation, being devoid of all civil inhabitants, where there are only savage and brutish men which range up and down, little otherwise than the wild beasts of the same. (William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation: 1620-1647.  New York: Random House, 1981: 26. )

244) They [the Massachusetts Bay colonists] legitimated their power by claiming to be the authentic bearers of the Puritan cultural and religious tradition.  Through them, they insisted, the established Christian wisdom of the ages would exercise its sway over the New World Bible commonwealth.  While the Puritan thinking class in England may have helped initiate the tradition of radical ideological politics, their colleagues in the Bay created a stable revolutionary regime.  Puritan Massachusetts was a seventeenth-century one-party state. (Alan Staloff, The Making of an American Thinking Class.  New York: Oxford UP, 1998: xv. )

245) That England was actually suffering from a glut of population at the end of the sixteenth century may be doubted, but that scores of writers thought England was overpopulated is undeniable.  (Howard Mumford Jones,  "The Colonial Impulse: An Analysis of the 'Promotion' Literature of Colonization." Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 90.2 [1946]: 146. )

246) A government of the people, formed by the people for the people, with Church and State completely separate, and with political privileges not dependent on religious belief, was organized and maintained successfully for the first time in Christendom in Rhode Island, the smallest of the American Colonies.  Its inspiration and founder was Roger Williams, the apostle of soul-liberty [....] he has been called "The First American." (Arthur B. Strickland, Roger Williams: Prophet and Pioneer of Soul Liberty.  Boston: The Judson Press, 1919: 3. )

247) And so here falleth in our question, how a man that is born and bred, and hath lived some years, may remove himself into another country.  I answer, a man must not respect only to live, and do good to himself, but he should see where he can live to do most good to others;...But some will say, what right have I to go live in the heathens' country?...we ought also to endeavor and use the means to convert them, and the means cannot be used unless we go to them or they come to us; to us they cannot come, our land is full; to them we may go, their land is empty. (Robert Cushman's "Reasons and Considerations Touching the Lawfulness of Removing out of England into the Parts of America," 1622. )

248) What was the inevitable consequences of this state of things? The Europeans were under the necessity either of abandoning the country, and relinquishing their pompous claims to it, or of enforcing those claims by the sword, and by the adoption of principles adapted to the condition of a people with whom it was impossible to mix, and who could not be governed as a distinct society. . . .  (John Marshall, Johnson v. M'Intosh, 1823 )

249) On the Christian right to take the Holy Land, Innocent IV argued that the Roman jurisdiction over the area had been inherited by the emperor, one of whose titles was King of Jerusalem, and that he had been unjustly deprived of it by the Moslems.  Therefore the Christians had not only a right but a duty to reconquer the area for its rightful ruler, as long as this was done with proper authorization. (L.C. Green and Olive P. Dickason.  The Law of Nations and the New World.  Alberta: U of Alberta P, 1989: 151. )

250) Columbus's picture of the life of those who lived on the Caribbean Islands found its way into Alexander VI's bull, Inter caetera (1493). (James Muldoon, The Americas in the Spanish World Order: The Justification for Conquest in the Seventeenth Century. Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1994: 40.) (hear commentary by Melissa Morris)

251) [T]here is no crime so horrible, whether it be idolatry or sodomy or some other kind, as to demand that the gospel be preached for the first time in any other way than that established by Christ, that is, in a spirit of brotherly love, offering forgiveness of sins and exhorting men to repentance.  For to do otherwise would be to upset the way established by Christ.  Therefore it is not the Church's business to begin the first preaching of the faith with the punishment of idolatry or any other serious crime. (Bartolomé de Las Casas, In Defense of the Indians.  Trans. & Ed. Stafford Poole.  DeKalb: Northern Illinois UP, 1974:  96. )

252) Therefore, if we should call to calculation by this precept the evils and goods that this war imports to the barbarians, beyond a doubt the evils would be immediately erased by the number and consequence of the goods. (Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, Apology for the Book On the Just Causes of War.  Trans. and ed. Lewis D. Epstein. Bowdoin College: 1973: 39. )

253) I would think a man a fool and unjust, who would exclude me from drinking the waters of the Mississippi river, because he had seen it first.  He would be equally so who would exclude me from settling in the country west of the Ohio, because in chasing a buffalo he had been first over it.  What use do these ring, streaked, spotted and speckled cattle make of the soil?  Do they till it?  Revelation said to man, "Thou shalt till the land."  This alone is human life.  It is favorable to population, to science, to the information of the human mind in the worship of God. . . . before you can make an Indian a christian you must teach him agriculture and reduce him to a civilized life.  To live by tilling is more humano, by hunting is more bestiarum. (Hugh Henry Brackenridge, Indian Atrocities. Cincinnati, 1867: 62-72. )

254) In addition, infidels subject to Christians are more easily influenced to follow our customs and religion. Therefore preaching and argument alone must not be used against pagans or heretics as in the primitive Church when none of the princes had believed, but expedient and allowable force must be employed in the manner we explained if the opportunity is available.  This is the most expedient means of converting the nations to faith in Christ as in every age the very situation and examples have taught, which examples have the force of demonstration. (Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, Apology for the Book On the Just Causes of War.  Trans. and ed. Lewis D. Epstein.  Bowdoin College: 1973: 25. )

255) The purpose of this website is not to continually reiterate the evils of imperialism -- it is the hope that by discussing the ways in which the Native Americans were subjugated, we can allow them their rightful places in the history of this nation. (Mehnaz Choudhury, Lehigh University )

256) May not and ought not the children of these fathers rightly say: "Our fathers were Englishmen which came over this great ocean, and were ready to perish in this wilderness; but they cried unto the Lord, and he heard their voice, and looked on their adversity, etc.  Let them therefore praise the Lord, because he is good, and his mercies endure forever.  Yea, let them which have been redeemed of the Lord, show how he hath delivered them from the hand of the oppressor.  When they wandered in the desert wilderness out of the way, and found no city to dwell in, both hungry, and thirsty, their soul was overwhelmed in them.  Let them confess before the Lord his loving kindness, and his wonderful works before the sons of men.  (William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation. )

257) The diminishing of their forces by seas is done either by open hostility, or by some colorable means, as by giving of license under letters patent to discover and inhabit some strange place, with a special provision for their safety whom policy requireth to have most annoyed by which means the doing of the contrary shall be imputed to the executors' fault; your highness' letter patents being a manifest show that it was not your Majesty's pleasure so to have it. (Humphrey Gilbert's "Discourses" on how to annoy Spain: David B. Quinn, The Voyages and Colonising Enterprises of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. Vol. 1.  London: Glasgow UP, 1940: 171. )

258) The phenomenon of  "no peace beyond the line," as it was known, was not allowed to break the peace that might exist on the European side of the line. (Wilcomb E. Washburn, "The Moral and Legal Justifications for Dispossessing the Indians."  Seventeenth-Century America: Essays in Colonial History.  Ed. James Morton Smith. New York: Norton, 1972: 19. )

259) Any seventeenth-century New England Puritan worth his theological salt could trace in Hayes's 1583 narrative the emergence of themes that their own preachers constantly declaimed as the Puritans' errand into the wilderness: the colonization of America was the elect's obligation in fulfillment of the covenant of grace with God.  Hayes expressly declared that those who pursued the task of American colonization with motives "derived from a virtuous and heroical mind, preferring chiefly the honor of God" and "compassion of poor infidels captived by the devil, could confidently repose in the preordinance of God, that in this last age of the world (or likely never) the time is complete of receiving also these Gentiles into his mercy, and that God will raise him an instrument to effect the same."  In Hayes's appropriated Puritan-inspired discourse of conquest, the English will to empire fulfilled in the New World wilderness was regarded as a predestined event. (Robert A. Williams, Jr.,  The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 165. )

260) On Monday, being the fifth of August, the General [Humphrey Gilbert] caused his tent to be set upon the side of a hill, in the view of all the fleet of Englishmen and strangers, which were in number between thirty and fourt-five, then being accompanied with all his captains, masters, gentlemen and other soldiers, he caused all the masters, and principal officers of the ships, as well Englishmen as Spaniards, Portingals, and of other nations to repair unto his tent: and then and there, in the presence of them all, he did cause his commission, under the great seal of England to be openly and solemnly read unto them, whereby were granted unto him, his heirs and assigns, by the Queen's most excellent Majesty, many great and large royalties, liberties, and privileges. The effect whereof being signified unto the strangers by an interpretor, he took possession of the said land in the right of the Crown of England by digging of a turf and recieving the same with an Hazell wand, delivered unto him, after the manner of the law and custom of England. (Sir George Peckham, A True Reporte of the Late Discoveries, 1583, reprinted in David B. Quinn, The Voyages and Colonising Enterprises of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. Vol. 2. London: Glasgow UP, 1940: 444-45.) (hear commentary by Robert W. Atkinson)

261) Hakluyt invoked Las Casas in 1584, repeating the story of the fifteen million exterminated Indians; one of the objectives of the English would be to liberate the Indians still oppressed by Spain. (H.C. Porter, The Inconstant Savage.  London: Gerald Duckworth and Co, 1979: 200. )

262) The English colonial movement for America in the beginning was not particularly sympathetic towards the Amerindian, and that when the English proponents of American colonization did develop such a sympathy, it was only temporary, and more a response to necessity than to philosophic commitment. (Loren Pennington, "The Amerindian in English Promotional Literature."  The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic, and America 1480-1650.  Ed. K. R. Andrews, N. P. Canny, and P. E. H. Hair.  Liverpool: Liverpool UP, 1978: 176. )

263) The intentional derivativeness of Carleill's "Brief and Summary Discourse" bears witness to the emergence of a distinctively English colonizing discursive practice at a relatively early stage of England's Discovery era.  Carleill's pamphlet set out to recapitulate [...] fundamental legitimating arguments supporting English colonization of other peoples' lands [...] Exploitation of the natives was to be the basis of trade. (Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 161. )

264) In prudence, talent, virtue, and humanity they [Native Americans] are as inferior to the Spaniards as children to adults, women to men, as the wild and cruel to the most meek, as the prodigiously intemperate to the continent and temperate, that I have almost said, as monkeys to men. (from Sepúlveda Demócrates Segundo, qtd. in Lewis Hanke, All Mankind is One: A Study of the Disputation Between Bartolomé de las Casas and Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda in 1550 on the Intellectual and Religious Capacity of the American Indians. DeKalb: Northern Illinois UP, 1974: 84.) (hear commentary by Anne DeLong)

265) What the rights of property in the Cherokee nation are, may be discovered from the several treaties which have been made between the United States and that nation between the years 1785 and 1819.  It will be unnecessary to notice many of them.  They all recognize, in the most unqualified manner, a right of property in this nation, to the occupancy at least, of the lands in question.  It is immaterial whether this interest is a mere right of occupancy, or an absolute right to the soil.  The complaint is for a violation, or threatened violation, of the possessory right.  And this is a right, in the enjoyment of which they are entitled to protection.  (Justice Smith Thompson's Dissent to The Cherokee Nation vs. The State of Georgia, 1831 )

266) And also have occasion, to set poor men's children, to learn handy crafts, and thereby to make trifles and the like, which the Indians and those people do much esteem: By reason whereof, there should be none occasion, to have our country encumbered with loiterers, vagabonds, and such like idle persons. (Sir Humphrey Gilbert, A Discourse of a Discovery for a New Passage to Cataia, 1576, reprinted in David B. Quinn, The Voyages and Colonising Enterprises of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. Vol. 1.  London: Glasgow UP, 1940: 161. )

267) Solórzano said that he himself did not possess a copy of Sepúlveda's book, because Philip II had banned its circulation.  The stated reason for this censorship, curious in that the author provided a strong defense of the conquest, was that the book had not been printed at the royal press.  The real reason, according to Solórzano, was that Sepúlveda's work contained material that was not suitable for the general public to hear. (James Muldoon, The Americas in the Spanish World Order: The Justification for Conquest in the Seventeenth Century.  Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1994: 27. )

268) [In regard to Justice Reed's majority opinion in Tee-Hit-Ton Indians v. The United States (1954-55)], the Indian . . . was to depend on the generosity and the grace of his despoilers. (Wilcomb E. Washburn, "The Moral and Legal Justifications for Dispossessing the Indians." Seventeenth-Century America: Essays in Colonial History.  Ed. James Morton Smith. New York: Norton, 1972: 30. )

269) While the various papal bulls, royal commissions, and accounts of their voyages by the discoverers all proclaimed that one of their purposes was to extend the power and ambit of the Church, implying that this aim justified their overlordship of the Indians, Vitoria contended that so long as the faith had not been preached to them, so that their ignorance was "invincible," there was no basis to assault them, nor did he consider that they were in mortal sin if they did not accept Christianity immediately upon hearing it expounded. (L.C. Green and Olive P. Dickason. The Law of Nations and the New World.  Alberta: U of Alberta P, 1989:  41. )

270) America had to be planted so that subhumans could be made human. (Roy Harvey Pearce, qtd. in  Juan E. Tazón, "The Evolution of a Stereotype: The Indian in English Renaissance Promotional Literature." Beyond Pug's Tour: National and Ethnic Stereotyping in Theory and Literary Practice.  Ed. C.C. Barfoot.  Rodopi, 1997: 129. )

271) In all your passages you [the Virginia colonists] must have Great care not to Offend the naturals if you Can Eschew it and imploy some few of our Company to trade with them for Corn and all Other lasting Victuals if you [they?] have any of this you must Do before that they perceive you mean to plant among them for not being Sure how your own Seed Corn will prosper the first Year to avoid the Danger of famine use and Endeavour to Store yourselves of the Countrey Corn. (Instructions from the the Virginia Company, qtd. in Bernard W. Sheehan, Savagism and Civility: Indians and Englishmen in Colonial Virginia.  Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1980: 104-5. )

272) We meet on the broad pathway of good faith and good will; no advantage shall be taken on either side, but all shall be open-ness and love. (William Penn's speech to Indians, 1682) (hear commentary by Elsie Hamel)

273) Perhaps most important, Johnson's acceptance of the Doctrine of Discovery into United States law preserved the legacy of 1,000 years of European racism and colonialism directed against non-Western peoples . . . . The Doctrine of Discovery's underlying medievally derived ideology--that normatively divergent 'savage' peoples could be denied rights and status equal to those accorded to the civilized nations of Europe--had become an integral part of the fabric of United States federal Indian law . . . . While the tasks of conquest and colonization had not yet been fully actualized on the entire American continent, the originary legal rules and principles of federal Indian law set down by Marshall in Johnson v. McIntosh and its discourse of conquest ensured that future acts of genocide would proceed on a rationalized, legal basis. (Robert A. Williams, Jr.,  The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest. New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 317. )

274) But the tribes of Indians inhabiting this country were fierce savages, whose occupation was war, and whose subsistence was drawn chiefly from the forest.  To leave them in possession of their country, was to leave the country a wilderness; to govern them as a distinct people, was impossible, because they were as brave and as high spirited as they were fierce, and were ready to repel by arms every attempt on their independence. (John Marshall, Johnson v. M'Intosh, 1823 )

275) [Promotion literature's] principal appeal made to the nobility and the gentry is the appeal to Renaissance virtu – to that combination of a well-rounded activity with the promise of immortal fame which is in part heroic and in part polite.  (Howard Mumford Jones,  "The Colonial Impulse: An Analysis of the 'Promotion' Literature of Colonization." Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 90.2 [1946]: 134. )

276) Hakluyt's images not only serve as propaganda, but also reveal the hope, and even the faith, that the elect will triumph over evil, that England will subdue Spain, that Protestantism will curb the passions of the Catholic whore. (Jennifer Bess,  "Hakluyt's Discourse of Western Planting." Explicator 55.1 [1996]: 4. )

277) The Welsh document to which the two refer, and from which the Madoc story is indeed reprinted in the Principall Navigations, is The Historie of Cambria, Now Called Wales of Caradoc of Llancarfan, published in 1584.  Both texts thus contain the same upsetting news that America was not discovered by Columbus in 1492 but 322 years earlier by a Welsh seafarer and direct ancestor of Queen Elizabeth.  Needless to say, both papal donation of the New World to Spain in 1493 (the bull Inter caetera) and the division of America between Spain and Portugal in the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) were deprived of all legal foundation by this short Welsh document. (Gesa Mackenthun, Metaphors of Dispossession: American Beginnings and the Translation of Empire, 1492-1637.  Norman: U of Oklahoma P, 1997: 25. )

278) [Hakluyt says in Discourse of Western Planting,] All the Indians need is a godly preacher, to rise to the challenge of "reducing of the infinite multitudes of these simple people that are in error, into the right and perfect way of their salvation." (H.C. Porter, The Inconstant Savage.  London: Gerald Duckworth and Co, 1979: 200. )

279) Hariot's revelation that the indigenous method of sowing corn yielded twice the crop the English were capable of became the most often repeated piece of information in subsequent tracts promoting the Carolina region. (Susan Schmidt Horning, "The Power of Image: Promotional Literature and Its Changing Role in the Settlement of Early Carolina." North Carolina Historical Review 70.4 [1993]: 378. )

280) The law of religion is not the same as other laws.  Faith is a special gift of God and Jesus Christ is foolishness among the heathen; but natural things are known naturally to all.  Some kind of religion is natural, and therefore if there should be any whoe are atheists, destitute of any religious belief, either good or bad, it would seem just to war upon them as we would upon brutes.  For they do not deserve to be called men, who divest themselves of human nature, and themselves do not desire the name of men, and such a war is a war of vengeance, to avenge our common nature. (Alberico Gentili, qtd. in Robert A. Williams, Jr.,  The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest.  New York: Oxford UP, 1990: 198. )

281) It is highly unlikely that Manteo was the simple tool White and the others thought he was. For the Croatoans his position with the colonists may have been simply an extension of the time-honored practice of placing members of the chief's family in other villages to control relationships. (Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Roanoke: The Abandoned Colony. Totowa: Rowman & Litterfield, 1984: 118.) (hear commentary by Elizabeth Wambold)

282) When you have found God making way and room for you, and carrying you by his providence into any place, learn to walk thankfully before him, defraud him not of his rent, but offer yourselves unto his service: serve that God, and teach your children to serve him, that hath appointed you and them the place of your habitation. (John Cotton, "God's Promise to his Plantations," 1630.)

283) The task of developing a more complete understanding of the response of American Indians to the coming of the white man immediately confronts a formidable obstacle: the great American mythos of frontier conquest. The national creation epic of a simple, agrarian, "Anglo" race of conquerors defeating "a fierce race of savages" for control and civilization of an extraordinary wilderness land has long provided us with a catalog of images and stories of who we think we are as a people. (Robert A. Williams, Jr., Linking Arms Together: American Indian Treaty Visions of Law and Peace, 1600-1800. New York: Oxford UP, 1997: 14.)

284) It must be understood at the outset that the English developed two different kinds of legal argument to validate their territorial claims in North America. These corresponded with two groups of rivals not likely to look with favor upon English pretensions: other European powers and native Indians. Defense of English claims directed against rival Europeans not only involved questions of theory, but perhaps more importantly, questions of fact. Moreover, the crucial theoretical questions quickly reduced to questions of degree. . . . Accordingly, these claims were negotiable, often became the subject of negotiation, and sometimes even precipitated international agreements. On the other hand, defense of European claims vis-a-vis the Indians were notably abstract, absolute, and non-negotiable. These involved questions of "conquest" over the natives, and, especially, vindications of the justice of these supposed conquests. (John T. Juricek, "English Territorial Claims in North America under Elizabeth and the Early Stuarts." Terrae Incognitae 7 (1975): 7.)

285) Let him know that Plato defineth it, to bee no iniustice, to take sword out of the hand of a mad man; That Austen hath allowed it, for a lawfull offensive warre, quod ulcisitur injurias that revengeth bloudie injuries. So that if just offenses shall arise, it can bee no more injustice to warre against infidells, than it is when upon just occasions wee warre against Christians. (Virginia Company, A True Declaration of the estate of the Colonie in Virginia, With a confutation of such scandalous reports as have tended to the disgrace of so worthy an enterprise. London, 1610. )

286) let no man adore his golde as his god, nor him Mammon as his maker. If God haue scattered his blessings vpon you as snow, will you returne no tributary acknowledgement of his goodnesse? If you will, can you select a more excellent subject, then to cast down the altars of Diuels, that you may raise vp the Altar of Christ? . . . Doubt ye not but God hath determined, and demonstrated (by the wondrous preseruation of those principal persons which fell vpon the Bermudos) that he will raise our state, and build his Church in that excellent climate, if the action be seconded with resolution and Religion. (Virginia Company, A True Declaration of the estate of the Colonie in Virginia, With a confutation of such scandalous reports as have tended to the disgrace of so worthy an enterprise. London, 1610. )

287) Finallie, it is not unlawfull that we possess part of their land, and dwell with them, and defend ourselues from them. Partlie because there is no other, moderate, and mixt course, to bring them to conuersion, but by dailie conuersation, where they may see the life, and learne the language each of other. Partlie, because there is no trust to the fidelitie of humane beasts. . . .Partlie because there is room sufficient in the land . . . for them, and vs. . . . Partlie, because they haue violated the lawe of nations . . . . But chieflie because Paspehay sold vnto vs for Copper, land to inherit and inhabit. (Virginia Company, A True Declaration of the estate of the Colonie in Virginia, With a confutation of such scandalous reports as have tended to the disgrace of so worthy an enterprise. London, 1610. )

288) Is it unlawfull because wee come to them? why is it not a dutie of christianitie to behold the imprinted footsteps of Gods glorie in euer region vnder heauen? Is it not against the lawe of nations, to violate a peaceable stranger, or to denie him harbour. (Virginia Company, A True Declaration of the estate of the Colonie in Virginia, With a confutation of such scandalous reports as have tended to the disgrace of so worthy an enterprise. London, 1610. )

289) The third, belongs to us, who by way of marchandizing and trade, doe buy of them the pearles of earth, and sell to them the pearles of heaven; which action, if it be unlawfull, it must proceede from one of these grounds, either because we come to them, or trade with them, or tarrie and dwell and possesse part of their country amongst them. (Virginia Company, A True Declaration of the estate of the Colonie in Virginia, With a confutation of such scandalous reports as have tended to the disgrace of so worthy an enterprise. London, 1610. )

290) for the time was when we were sauage and unciuill, and worshipped the diuell, as they now do, then God sent some to make vs ciuill, others to make vs christians. If such had not been sent vs we had yet continued wild and unciuill, and worshippers of the diuell. (William Crashaw, A Sermon preached in London before the right honourable the Lord Lawarre, Lord Governour and Captaine Generall of Virginia . . . and the rest of the aduenturers in that plantation At the said Lord Generall his leaue taking of England his natiue countrey, and departure for Virginea. [running title: A New-yeeres Gift to Virginea] London, 1610. )

291) And thou Virginea, whom though mine eies see not, my heart shall loue. . . . Thou shalt now have thy forme from one of the most glorious Nations vnder the Sunne . . . thy God is comming towards thee. . . . and he that was the God of Israel, and is still the God of England, will shortly I doubt not bring it to passe, that men shall say, Blessed be the Lord God of Virginea. (William Crashaw, A Sermon preached in London before the right honourable the Lord Lawarre, Lord Governour and Captaine Generall of Virginia . . . and the rest of the aduenturers in that plantation At the said Lord Generall his leaue taking of England his natiue countrey, and departure for Virginea. [running title: A New-yeeres Gift to Virginea] London, 1610. )

292) for the same God made them as well as vs, of as good matter as he made vs, gave them as perfect and good soules and bodies as to vs, and the same Messiah and Sauiour is sent to them as to vs, for if a Virginian hauing our language, had learned our religion, professed our faith, craved baptisme, and challenged salvation by Christ: could either man deny him baptisme, or would God deny him saluation? (William Crashaw, A Sermon preached in London before the right honourable the Lord Lawarre, Lord Governour and Captaine Generall of Virginia . . . and the rest of the aduenturers in that plantation At the said Lord Generall his leaue taking of England his natiue countrey, and departure for Virginea. [running title: A New-yeeres Gift to Virginea] London, 1610. )

293) Out of which grounde appeareth euidently, not only the lawfulnesses but even the excellencie, and goodnesse, and indeed the plaine necessity . . . of this present action: the principal ends thereof being the plantation of a Church of English christians there, and consequently the conuersion of the heathen from the diuel to God: which ground being so laid, it then followth that either we are not conuerted or they are not our brethren, or els that we being conuerted must labour their conuersion. (William Crashaw, A Sermon preached in London before the right honourable the Lord Lawarre, Lord Governour and Captaine Generall of Virginia . . . and the rest of the aduenturers in that plantation At the said Lord Generall his leaue taking of England his natiue countrey, and departure for Virginea. [running title: A New-yeeres Gift to Virginea] London, 1610. )

294) The Principall and Maine ends . . . weare first to preach, and baptize into Christian religion, and by propagation of the Gospell, to recouer out of the armes of the Diuell, a number of poore and miserable soules wrapt vpp vnto death, in almost invinceable ignorance, to endeauor the fulfilling and accomplishment of the number of the elect. . . . Secondly . . . by trans-planting the rancknesse and multitude of increase in our peoples of which there is left no vent, but age. . . . Lastly, the apparance and assurance of Private commodity to the particular vndertakers, by recouering and possessing to them-selves a frutifull land. . . . These being the true; and essentiall ends of this Plantation. (Virginia Company, True and Sincere Declaration of the purpose and ends of the Plantation begun in Virginia. London, 1610.)

295) More particularly, wee heere see the cause why no more come in to assist this present purpose of plantation in Virginea, euen because the greater part of men are vnconuerted & vnsanctified men, and seeke meerely the world and themselues, and no further. They make many excuses, and deuise objections; but the fountaine of all is, because they may not haue present profit. . . . Tell them of getting XX . in the C. o how they bite at it, o how it stirres them! But tell them of planting a Church, of conuerting 10000 soules to God, they are senselesse as stones: they stirre no more then if men spoke of toies and trifles: nay they smile at the simplicities, and laugh in their sleeves at the sillinesse of such as ingage themselves in such matters. (William Crashaw, A Sermon preached in London before the right honourable the Lord Lawarre, Lord Governour and Captaine Generall of Virginia . . . and the rest of the aduenturers in that plantation At the said Lord Generall his leaue taking of England his natiue countrey, and departure for Virginea. [running title: A New-yeeres Gift to Virginea] London, 1610. )

296) Let euery man look inward, and disperse that clowd of auarice which darkenth his spirituall sight, and hee will finde there, that when hee shall appeare before the Tribunall of Heaven, it shall be questioned him what hee hath done? Hath he fed and cloth'd the hungry and naked? (Virginia Company, True and Sincere Declaration of the purpose and ends of the Plantation begun in Virginia. London, 1610.)

297) It is very expedient that your Lordship with all diligence indeavor the conversion of the natives and savages to the knowledge and worship of the true God and theire redeemer Christ Jesus as the most pious and noble end of this plantation; which the better to effecte you are to procure from them some of theire children to be brought up in our language and manners and, if you finde it convenient, we thinke it necesserie you first remove from them the iniocks or priests by a surprise of them and detaninge them prisoners and in case they shalbe willfull and obstinate then to send over some three or foure of them into England, we may endevor theire conversion here. (Virginia Company, "Instructions, orders and constitucions by way of advise sett downe, declared, propounded and delivered to the Right Honourable Sir Thomas West, Knight, Lord La Warr, Lord Governor and Capten Generall of Virginea . . . for his better disposinge and proceedinge in the government thereof" (1610). Samuel M. Bemiss, ed. The Three Charters of the Virginia Company of London: With Seven Related Documents; 1606-1621. Williamsburg: The Virginia 350th Anniversary Celebration Corporation, 1957.)

298) To come to the second generall head, which in the beginning I proposed, concerning the manner and dispositions of the Inhabitants. . . . But for all their faire and cunning speeches, they [Indians] are not overmuch to be trusted: for they be the greatest traitors of the world, as their manifold most craftie contrived and bloody treasons, here set down at large, doe evidently prove. They be also as unconstant as the weathercock, and most readie to take all occasions of advantages to doe mischiefe. They are great liars and dissemblers; for which faults often times they had their deserved paiments. And many times they gave good testimonie of their great valour and resolution. To handle them gently, while gentle courses may be found to serve, it will be without comparison the best: but if gentle polishing will not serve, then we shall not want hammerours and rough masons enow, I meane our old soldiours trained up in the Netherlands, to square and prepare them to our Preachers hands. To conclude, I trust by your Honours and Worships wise instructions to the noble Governour, the worthy experimented Lieutenant and Admirall, and other chiefe managers of the businesse, all things shall be so prudently carried, that the painfull Preachers shall be reverenced and cherished, the valiant and forward soldiour respected, the diligent rewarded, the coward emboldened, the weake and sick relieved, the mutinous suppressed, the reputation of the Christians among the Salvages preserved, our most holy faith exalted, all Paganisme and Idolatrie by little and little utterly extinguished. (Richard Hakluyt, VIRGINIA richly valued by a Portuguese gentleman, translated out of Portuguese. London, 1609.)

299) You shall, with all propensenes and diligence, endeavour the conversion of the natives to the knowledge and worship of the true God and their redeemer Christ Jesus, as the most pious and noble end of this plantacion, which the better to effect you must procure from them some convenient nomber of their children to be brought up in your language and manners, and if you finde it convenient, we think it reasonable you first remove from them their Iniocasockes or Priests by a surprise of them all and detaininge them prisoners, for they are so wrapped up in the fogge and mierie of their iniquity and so tirrified with their continuall tirrany, chained under the bond of deathe unto the divell that while they live amounge them to poison and infect them their mindes, you shall never make any great progres into this glorious worke, nor have any civill peace or concurre with them. And in case of necessity or conveniency, we pronounce it not crueltie nor breache of charity to deal more sharpely with them and to proceede even to [death?] with these murtherers of soules and sacrificers of God's images to the divill, referringe the consideracion of this as a waighty matter of important consequence to the circumstances of the busines and place in your discrecion. (Virginia Company, "Instruccions orders and Constitucions by way of advise sett downe declared and propounded to Sir Thomas Gates knight Governour of Virginia . . . for the Direccion of the affaires of that Countrey" (1609). Samuel M. Bemiss, ed. The Three Charters of the Virginia Company of London: With Seven Related Documents; 1606-1621. Williamsburg: The Virginia 350th Anniversary Celebration Corporation, 1957.)

300) No, my Beloued, to the present assurance of great profite, add this future profite, that whosever hath a hand in this businesse shall receive an vnspeakable blessing, for they that turn many to righteousnesse, shall shine as the starres for euer and euer. . . . you will obtaine their best commodities, they will obtaine the sauing of their soules . . . . goe and possess the land, it is a good land, a land flowing with milke and honey. (Daniel Price, Sauls Prohibition staide . . . With a reproofe of those that traduce the Honourable Plantation of Virginia. London, 1609.)

301) it is like to be the most worthy Voyage that euer was effected by any Christian in deserving any Country of the world; both for the peace of the Entry, for the plenty of the Countrey, and for the Clymate. Seeing that the Coantry is not vnlike to equalize . . . Tyrus for colours, Basan for woods, Persia for oyls, Arabia for spices, Spaine for silks, Tharsis for shipping, Netherlands for fish, Bonania for fruite, and by tillage, Babylon for corne, besides the aboundance of . . . . The Philosopher commendeth the Temperature, the Marchant the Commodity, the Polititian the Opportunity, the Diuine the Piety, in convertsing so many thousand soules. The Virginian desireth it, and the Spaniard enuyeth us, and yet our own lasie, drousie, yet barking Countrimen traduce it. (Daniel Price, Sauls Prohibition staide . . . With a reproofe of those that traduce the Honourable Plantation of Virginia. London, 1609.)

302) give me leaue to examine the lying speeches that haue injuriously vilified and traduced a great part of the glory of God, the Honour of our land, Joy of our nation, and expectation of many wise, and Noble Senators of this kingdom, I mean in the plantation of Virginia. When the [?] of the Indians, was offered to that learned and famous Prince Henry the seuenth, Some idle, dull and vnworthy Sceptickes moued the king not to entertaine the motion. Wee know our losse by the Spaniards gaine, but now the Souls of those Dreamers doe seeme by a Pithagericall Transanimation to bee come into some of those scandalous and slanderous Detractors of that most Noble Voyage (Daniel Price, Sauls Prohibition staide . . . With a reproofe of those that traduce the Honourable Plantation of Virginia. London, 1609.)

303) And lastely, because the principall effect which wee cann desier or expect of this action is the conversion and reduccion of the people in those partes unto the true worshipp of God and Christian religion, in which respect wee would be lothe that anie person should be permitted to passe that wee suspected to affect the superstitions of the Churche of Rome, wee doe hereby declare that it is oure will and pleasure that none be permitted to pass in anie voiadge from time to time to be made into the saide countrie but such as firste shall have taken the oath of supremacie. (King James I, Second Charter for the Virginia Company. Samuel M. Bemiss, ed. The Three Charters of the Virginia Company of London: With Seven Related Documents; 1606-1621. Williamsburg: The Virginia 350th Anniversary Celebration Corporation, 1957.)

304) These signes are past and gone: when the sun will be darkened, and the moon turned into bloud, we cannot tell: but for the publication of the Gospel ouer the world, it may be proued by many instances. One most pregnant, most fresh, is that of Virginia which now (by God grace) through our English shal heare news of Christ, the gospel of Christ shall be published, no doubt the sound of the preachers will goe out into that corner of the world, and make it as a well watered garden. There were a people of the like qualitie (with the naturall inhabitants of Virginia) poore and naked things, (I call them so, the more to indeare your affections) when they were conquered, there was that crueltie vsed vnto them, that scandall was giuen vnto the name of Christ, the name of Christianity grewe odious vnto them, by reason of that cruelty they would let it haue no roome in their thoughts. . . . I hope our English are of that metall that hauing in their hands the key of the kingdome of God, they will not keep those weake ones out, but rather make way for the Gospell (as I hope they may) by their gentle & humane dealing. (George Benson, A Sermon preached at Paules Crosse the Seaventh of May MDCIX. London, 1609.)

305) Moreover, all Politititians doe with one consent, holde and maintaine, that a Christian king may lawfullie make war uppon barbarous and sauage people, and such as live under no lawfull and warrantable government, and may make a conquest of them, so that the warre be undertaken to this ende, to reclaim and reduce those sauages from their barbarous kinde of life. (Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia. Offering most excellent fruites by Planting in Virginia. London, 1609.)

306) there is no intendment to take away from them by force that rightfull inheritaunce which they haue in that Countrey, for they are willing to entertaine us, and haue offered to [?] into our handes on reasonable conditions, more lande then we shall bee able this long time to plant and manure . . . so that we goe to live peaceablie among them, and not to supplant them. (Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia. Offering most excellent fruites by Planting in Virginia. London, 1609.)

307) It is euerie mans dutie to travell both by sea and land, and to venture either with his person or with his purse, to bring the barbarous and sauage people to a civill and Christian kinde of government, under which they may learne how to live holily, iustly, and soberly in this world, and to apprehend the meanes to saue their soules in the world to come. (Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia. Offering most excellent fruites by Planting in Virginia. London, 1609.)

308) And therefore we may iustly say, as the children of Israel say here to Joshua, we are a great people, and the lande is too narrow for us: so that whatsoever we haue beene, now it behooves us to be both prudent and politicke . . . to imbrace euery occasion which hath any probabilitie in it of future hopes: And seeing there is neither preferment nor employment for all within the lists of our countrey, we might iustly be accounted, as in former times, both impudent and improvident, if we will yet sit with our armes foulded in our bosomes, and not rather seeke after such adventures whereby the glory of God may be advanced, the territories of our kingdome enlarged, our people both preferred and employed abroad, our wants supplyed at home, his Maiesties customes wonderfully augmented, and the honour and renown of our Nation spied and propagated to the ends of the world. (Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia. Offering most excellent fruites by Planting in Virginia. London, 1609.)

309) Bee not then discouraged, though you light on enemies: for that did God foretell vnto Abram, that hee and his seed must find. Rather be strong, and of good courage: because the Lord is with you; and with them, but an arme of flesh. (William Symonds, Virginia: a sermon preached at Whitechapel in the presence of . . . the Adventurers and Planters for Virginia. London, 1609.)

310) A right sure foundation therefore haue you . . . laid for the immortalitie of your names and memory, which, for the aduancement of Gods glorie, the renown of his Maiestie, and the good of your Countrie, haue vndertaken so honourable a proiect, as all posterities shal blesse you and vphold your names and memories so long the Sunne and Moone endureth: whereas they which preferre their money before vertue, their pleasure before honour, and their sensuall securitie before heroicall adventures, shall perish with their money, die with their pleasures, and be buried in euverlasting forgetfulnes (Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia. Offering most excellent fruites by Planting in Virginia. London, 1609.)

311) And if these objectors had any braines in their head, but those which are sicke, they could easily find a difference betweene a bloudy inuasion, and the planting of a peaceable Colony, in a waste country, where the people do liue but like Deere in heards, and (no not in this stouping age, of the gray headed world, ful of yeres and experience) haue not as yet attained vnto the first modestie that was in Adam, that knew he was naked, where they know no God but the divell, nor sacrifice, but to offer their men and children vnto Moloch. (William Symonds, Virginia: a sermon preached at Whitechapel in the presence of . . . the Adventurers and Planters for Virginia. London, 1609.)

312) But that happinesse, which I mentioned, is an happie and glorious worke indeed, of planting among those poor and sauage, and to be pittied Virginians, not onely humanitie, instead of brutish inciuility, but Religion also, Piety, the true knowledge and sincere worship of God, where his name is not heard off: and reducing those to Faith and salvation by Christ, who as yet in the blindnesse of their Infidelity and superstition, doe offer Sacrifice, yes, euen themselves vnto the Diuell. (Richard Crakanthorpe, A Sermon at the Solemnizing of the Happie Inauguration of our most gracious and religious Soveraigne . . . London, 1609.)

313) This being the Religious and honourable intendment of this enterprise, what glory shall heereby redound vnto God? What Honour to our Soueraigne? What comfort to those his Subjects, who shall be the meanes of furtherers of so happy a worke, not onely to see a new BRITAINE in another world, but to heare also those, as yet Heathen, Barbarous, and Brutish people, together with our English, to learne the speech and language of Canaan. (Richard Crakanthorpe, A Sermon at the Solemnizing of the Happie Inauguration of our most gracious and religious Soveraigne . . . London, 1609.)

314) Witnesse abroad the planting intended, or rather already happily begun of our English Colonie in Virginia . . . and the reducing vnto a civill societie (as hope may iustly conceiue) of so many thousands of those sillie, brutish, and ignorant soules, now fast bound with the chaines or error and ignorance vnder the bondage and slauery of the Deuill. Which being the principall scope of this businesse, wee may with Gods blessing assuredly expect the fruites which usually accompany such godly enterprises; as are the honour of his Maiestie, whose name shall by this meanes be glorious vnto the ends of the world, the enlarging and further strengthning of his Realmes and Dominions, the easing of this Land, which euen groaneth vnder the burden and number of her inhabitants, the plentifull enriching of our selues and our Country with such commodities as she now laboureth with the penury of them. (Robert Tynley, Two learned sermons. The one, of the mischieuous subtiltie, and barbarous crueltie, the other of the false doctrines, and refined haeresis of the romish synagogue. London, 1609. )

315) And consider well that great worke of freeing the poore Indians from the devourer, a compassion that every good man (but passing by) would shew unto a beast: their children when they come to be saved, will blesse the day when first their fathers saw your faces (Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia. Offering most excellent fruits by planting in Virginia. Exciting such as be well affected to the same. London, 1609.)

316) I may not stay . . . to mention . . . the great and manifold benefits which may redound to this our so populous a Nation, by planting an English Colony in a Territory as large and spacious almost as is England, and in a soyle so rich, fertill, and fruitefull, as that besides the sufficiencyes it naturally yealds for it selfe, may with best conuenience, supply some of the greatest wantes and necessities of these Kingdomes. (Richard Crakanthorpe, A Sermon at the Solemnizing of the Happie Inauguration of our most gracious and religious Soveraigne . . . London, 1609.)

317) The country it selfe is large and great assuredly, though as yet, no exact discovery can bee made of all. It is also commendable and hopefull every way, the ayre and clymate most sweete and wholsome, much warmer then England, and very agreeable to our Natures: It is inhabited with wild and savage people, that live and lie up and downe in troupes like heards of Deare in a Forrest: they have no law but nature, their apparell skinnes of beasts, but most goe naked: the better sort have houses, but poore ones, they have no Arts nor Science, yet they live under superior command such as it is, they are generally very loving and gentle, and doe entertaine and relieve our people with great kindnesse: they are easy to be brought to good, and would fayne embrace a better condition. (Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia. Offering most excellent fruits by planting in Virginia. Exciting such as be well affected to the same. London, 1609.)

318) And as for supplanting the savages, we have no such intent: Our intrusion into their possessions shall tend to their great good, and no way to their hurt, unlesse as unbridled beastes, they procure it to themselves: Wee purpose to proclaime and make it knowne to them all, by some publike interpretation that our comming thither is to plant our selves in their countrie: yet not to supplant and roote them out, but to bring them from their base condition to a farre better: First, in regard of God the Creator, and of Jesus Christ their Redeemer, if they will beleeve in him. And secondly, in respect of earthly blessings, whereof they have now no comfortable use, but in beastly brutish manner, with promise to defend them against all publike and private enemies. (Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia. Offering most excellent fruits by planting in Virginia. Exciting such as be well affected to the same. London, 1609.)

319) So I wish and intreat all well affected subjects, some in their persons, others in their purses, cheerfully to adventure, and joyntly take in hand this high and acceptable worke, tending to advance and spread the kingdom of God, and the knowledge of the truth, among so many millions of men and women, Savage and blind, that never yet saw the true light shine before their eyes, to enlighten their minds and comfort their soules, as also for the honor of our King, and enlarging of his kingdome, and for preservation and defence of that small number our friends and countrimen already planted, least for want of more supplies we become a scorne to the world subjecting our former adventurers to apparent spoile and hazard, and our people (as a prey) to be sackt and puld out of possession. (Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia. Offering most excellent fruits by planting in Virginia. Exciting such as be well affected to the same. London, 1609.)

320) I can say nothing more then is here written, only what I have learned and gathered from the generall consent of all (that I have conversed withall) as-well marriners as others, which have had imployment that way; is that the Country is excellent & pleasant, the clime temperate and health full, the ground fertill and good, the commodities to be expected (if well followed) many, for our people, the worst being already past, these former having indured the heate of the day, whereby those that shall succeede, may at ease labour for their profit, in the most sweete, cool, and temperate shade: the action most honorable, and the end to the high glory of God, to the erecting of true religion among Infidells, to the overthrow of superstition and idolatrie, to the winning of many thousands of wandring sheepe, unto Christs fold, who now, and till now, have strayed in the unknowne paths of Paganisme, Idolatrie, and superstition. (From the preface by J.H. to John Smith, A True Relation of such occurences and accidents of noate as hath hapned in Virginia since the first planting of that Collony which is now resident in the South part thereof. London, 1608. )

321) The people steal anything that comes neare them, yea are so practized in this art that lookeing in our face they would with their foote betweene their toes convey a chizell knife, percer or any indifferent light thing: which having once conveyed they hold it an injury to take the same from them; They are naturally given to trechery, howbeit we could not finde it in our travell vp the river, but rather a most kind and loving people. ([Gabriel Archer ?], "A Breif discription of the People" (1607). Philip L. Barbour, The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606-1609. 2 vols. Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, 1969.)

322) And how Weary Soever your Soldiers be Let them never trust the Country people with the Carriage of their Weapons for if they Run from You with Your Shott which they only fear they will Easily kill them with all their arrows. And whensoever any of Yours Shoots before them be sure that they be Chosen out of your best Markesmen for if they See Your Learners miss what they aim at they will think the Weapon not so terrible and thereby will be bould to Assailt You. Above all things Do not advertize the killing of any of your men that the Country people may know . . . they are but Common men. . . . Do well also not to Let them See or know of Your Sick men . . . which may also Encourage them to many Enterprizes. (Virginia Company, "Instructions given by way of advice by us . . . to be Observed by those Captains and Company which are Sent at this present to plant there" (1606). Samuel M. Bemiss, ed. The Three Charters of the Virginia Company of London: With Seven Related Documents; 1606-1621. Williamsburg: The Virginia 350th Anniversary Celebration Corporation, 1957.)

323) Secondly you must in no Case Suffer any of the natural people of the Country to inhabit between You and the Sea Coast for you Cannot Carry Your Selves so towards them but they will Grow Discontented with Your habitation and be ready to Guide and assist any Nation that Shall Come to invade You and if You neglect this You neglect Your Safety. (Virginia Company, "Instructions given by way of advice by us . . . to be Observed by those Captains and Company which are Sent at this present to plant there" (1606). Samuel M. Bemiss, ed. The Three Charters of the Virginia Company of London: With Seven Related Documents; 1606-1621. Williamsburg: The Virginia 350th Anniversary Celebration Corporation, 1957.)

324) Furthermore our will and pleasure is, and we doe hereby determine and ordaine, that euery person and persons being our subjects of euery the said Collonie and Plantations shall from time to time well entreate those saluages in those parts, and use all good meanes to draw the saluages and heathen people of the said seueral places and of the territories and Countries adjoining to the true seruice and knowledge of God, and that all just, kind and charitable courses shall be holden with such of them, as shall conforme themselues to any good and sociable traffique and dealing with the subjects of us . . . whereby they may be the sooner drawne to the true knowledge of God, and the Obedience of us, our heires and successors, under such seuere paines and punishments as shal be inflicted by the same saueral Presidents and Councells. (King James I, "Articles, Instructions, and orders . . . for the good order and Gouernment of the two seueral Colonies and Plantations to be made by our Louing Subjects, in the Country commonly called Virginia and America" (1606). Samuel M. Bemiss, ed. The Three Charters of the Virginia Company of London: With Seven Related Documents; 1606-1621. Williamsburg: The Virginia 350th Anniversary Celebration Corporation, 1957.)

325) wee greately commending and graciously accepting of their desires to the furtherance of soe noble a worke which may by the providence of Almightie God hereafter tende to the glorie of hys divyne maiestie in propagating of Christian religion to suche people as yet live in darknesse and myserable ignorance of the true knowledge and worshippe of god and may in tyme bring the infidels and salvages lyving in those partes to humane civilitie and to a setled and quiete governmente. (James I, First Charter of the Virginia Company, April 1606.)

326) And besides the future expectation, the present encouragement is exceeding much, in that it is a Voyage countenanced by our gracious King, counsulted on by the Oracles of council, adventured in by our wisest and greatest nobles, and undertaken by so worthy, so hounourable, and religious a Lord, and furthered not only by many other parties of this land, both clergy and laity, but also by the willing, liberal contribution of this honourable city, and as that it is a Voyage, wherein every Christian ougt to set to his helping hand, seeing the Angel of Virginia cryeth out to this land as the Angel of Macedonia did to Paul, O come help us. (Daniel Price, Saul's Prohibition Staide or the Apprehension and examination of Saul and the indictement of all that persecute Christ with reproof of those that traduce the honourable plantation of Virginia. London, 1609.) (hear commentary by Christina Hoffmann)

327) But look seriously into the land, and see whether there bee not just cause, if not a necessity to seek abroad. The people blessed be God, doe swarme in the land, as yong bees in a hive in June; insomuch that there is very hardly roome for one man to live by another. The mightier like old strong bees thrust the weaker, as younger, out of their hives.... (William Symonds, Virginia: A Sermon Preached at White-Chapel. London: 1609: 19-20.) (hear commentary by Katherine Lehnes)

328) These things they have, these they may spare, these we need, these we will take of them. But what will we give them? first, we will give them such things as they greatly desire, and do hold a sufficient recompense for any of the foresaid commodities we take of them: but we hold it not so; and therefore out of our humanity and conscience, we will give them more, namely such things as they want and need, and are infinitely more excellent than all we take from them: and that is {1. Civility for their bodies, 2. Christianity for their souls:} The first to make them men: the second happy men; the first to cover their bodies from the shame of the world: the second, to cover their souls from the wrath of God: the less of these two (being that for the body) will make them richer than we find them. (William Crashaw, A Sermon preached in London before the right honourable the Lord Lawarre, Lord Governour and Captaine Generall of Virginia . . . and the rest of the aduenturers in that plantation At the said Lord Generall his leaue taking of England his natiue countrey, and departure for Virginea. [running title: A New-yeeres Gift to Virginea] London, 1610. ) (hear commentary by Elizabeth Wiggins)

329) Some affirm, and it is likely to be true, that these Savages have no particular propertie in any part or parcel of that countrey, but only a general residence there, as wild beasts have in the forest...so that if the whole land should be taken from them, there is not a man that can complaine of any particular wrong done unto him...But the answer to the foresaid objection is that there is no intendment to take away from that by force that rightfull inheritance which they have in that Countrey for they are willing to entertaine us, and have offered to yeelde into our handes on reasonable conditions more land then we shall be able this long time to plant and manure...and upon all question upon eache composition with them, wee may have as much of their Countrey yielded unto us, by lawfull grant from them, as wee can or will desire, so that we goe to live peaceablie among them, and not to supplant them (Robert Gray, Good Speed to Virginia. Offering most excellent fruites by Planting in Virginia. London, 1609.) (hear commentary by Karen Manahan)

330) Our forefathers not looking out in time, lost the prime and fairest proffer of the greatest wealth in the world, and wee taxe their omission for it, yet now it falles out, that wee their children are tryed in the like, there being yet an excellent portion left, and by Divine providence offered to our choice, which (seeing we have armes to embrace,) let it not be accounted hereafter, As a prize in the hands of fooles that had no hearts to use it. (Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia: Offering Most Excellent fruites by Planting in Virginia. London, 1609.) (hear commentary by Elizabeth Vogstberger)

331) The diminishing of their [the Spanish] forces by seas is done either by open hostility, or by some colorable means, as by giving of license under letters patent to discover and inhabit some strange place, with a special provision for their safety whom policy requireth to have most annoyed by which means the doing of the contrary shall be imputed to the executors' fault; your highness' letter patents being a manifest show that it was not your Majesty's pleasure so to have it. (Sir Humphrey Gilbert, A Discourse how her Majesty may Annoy the King of Spain, 1577, reprinted in David B. Quinn, The Voyages and Colonising Enterprises of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. Vol. 1.  London: Glasgow UP, 1940: 171. )

332) [In the state of nature] there is no place for industry . . . no knowledge of the face of the Earth; no account of time; no Arts; no Letters; no society; and which is worst of all; continual fear, and danger of violent death; and the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short. . . . the savage people in many places of America . . . have no government at all, and live at this day in that brutish manner as I said before. (Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan (1651).)

333) [The Indians] are rich in land and poor in all the comforts of life; whom nature having furnished as liberally as any other people with materials of plenty, i.e., a fruitful soil, apt to produce in abundance what might serve for good, raiment and delight, yet for want of improving it by labor have not one-hundreth part of the conveniences we enjoy. And a king of a large and fruitful territory there feeds, lodges, and is clad worse than a day-laborer in England. (John Locke, Second Treatise on Government (1690).)